District Dalit Panchayat Parliament
Palash Biswas
Contact: Palash C Biswas, C/O Mrs Arati Roy, Gosto Kanan, Sodepur, Kolkata- 700110, India. Phone: 91-033-25659551
Email: alashbiswaskl@gmail.com">palashbiswaskl@gmail.com
District Dalit Panchayat Parliament
Tumkur District
14 April 2007
Election Rules and Procedures
Total Number of DDP Seats : 100
Each voter will have two votes
Prior to the election to DDP each Taluk DP must meet and submit a list of Fifteen members from the Taluk to be elected to the DDP. The list will be submitted to the Election Commission specially set up for conducting the DDP elections.
The fifteen members thus selected by the Taluk DP should follow the pattern of two representatives from each Hobli. In Taluks where there are only 4 Hoblis and where there are six Hoblis it is at the discretion of the Taluk DP to select 10 members to the electoral list proportionately representing the Hoblis.
Besides the eleven members from the Hoblis each Taluk should propose names of four other members for direct elections. These four members can be anybody from the Taluk. However, two of them should be compulsorily women. A Taluk may choose to have either three or all the four women candidates for direct elections. But there should not be more than two men among the four.
The list should be prepared in the order of preference by the Taluk DP. The first four names are eligible for direct elections using the majoritarian system. The others will be elected according to the proportion of votes that each Taluk gains. The election of members from proportionate voting will start from the fifth name in the Taluk List.
In the List of 15 members from each taluk the number of women should be either equal or more than equal. The order of the list should be the first name should be of a woman member and the next one will be that of a man.
The two members thus selected from each Hobli and the other four for direct election can already be elected members of either the Hobli DP or of the Taluk DP. If they are elected to the DDP, they should vacate their respective seats. The Hobli DP and the Taluk DPs should meet subsequently and elect new members in their place.
From the Taluk Electoral List the first four members will contest for direct vote on the day of DDP election. All members of DPs from different Taluks can caste their direct vote, which is their first vote to any candidate from their respective taluk. From among the four in each taluk one woman who gets the highest vote and one man who gets the highest vote will be declared elected. The other two will not be eligible to become members of the DDP.
The voting pattern with the first vote will follow the method that is in practice now. That is, a voter from one taluk can vote only for candidates from his/her respective taluks which is equivalent to the present constituency or an electoral district.
The other members will be elected according to the percentage of votes that each taluk gains on the day of DDP election through the second vote. If a taluk gains 4% of votes it will be eligible to have four members elected to the DDP from its Taluk List. If a Taluk gains 14% votes it will be eligible to have 14 members elected to the DDP.
Each Taluk will be given an election symbol on the request of the Taluk DP. Each taluk can give five election symbols of their choice from which the Election Commission will allot one in the order of the Taluk preference. Booshakthi and Dalit Symbols will not be given as election symbols.
There will be two ballot papers.
9.a. One ballot paper will contain the 4 names of all the candidates contesting for direct election. Each voter will mark only one name in this ballot paper. There will be a symbol for each directly electable member. The rules for allotting the symbols will be the same as in no.12. Each taluk will have a separate ballot paper only with the names and symbols of candidates from it.
9.b. The second ballot paper will have the Taluk symbols with the names of each taluk printed against the symbol. Each voter will mark his/her preferred taluk to be represented in the DDP. This will be known as the second vote. Taluks can make their own alliances and coalitions prior to the election in order to gain the maximum number of their candidates elected from the Party List.
Cross voting and calculated voting are allowed in the taluk list.
All the 100 members thus elected through the DDP elections will be known as the District Dalit Panchayat Parliament.
The DDPP will meet at a later date to elect from among them the Supreme Council of the Dalit Panchayat as explained in Dalitology.
Polling Booths
On the day of polling appropriate arrangements will be made for smooth polling by all the voters. Barricades will be set up and ballot boxes will be placed. Barricades will be made in such a way that voters from each taluk will be able to proceed in an orderly manner to the ballot boxes meant for their taluk. Voters from each taluk must go in line only through the barricade that is meant for their taluk.
As the voter enters the barricades there will be polling agents who will check the membership card of each voter. The membership card must bear the name of the taluk from the voter hails besides the membership details. After verifying the details the polling agent will affix a stamp on the membership card so that it will not be used again for proxy voting.
The polling agent will also check the index finger on the left hand of each voter to see that there is no mark with an indelible ink that is used on the polling day to identify those who have already voted.
Another polling agent will then hand over the ballot papers and explain to the voter what she/he must do with both the ballot papers, how to affix the seal, how to fold the ballot papers and then how to drop them into the ballot boxes.
After casting the vote to their favorite candidates and taluks the voters will go out of the polling booth. However, as they go out of the polling booth an indelible ink will be applied to their index finger in the left hand.
Invalid Votes
A vote will be declared invalid only when a seal is affixed in between two lives without the vote being clear to be counted either way. If there are mistakes in the way of folding the ballot paper by some voters and yet if it is possible to identify the candidate or Taluk for whom the voter has voted it will still be a valid vote.
All the ballot papers that may be identical to the ballot paper printed by the Election Commission and have managed to sneak into the ballot boxes will be declared invalid.
Ballot papers that are tampered for purposes other than voting will be declared invalid.
Disqualification
If it is found that any of the persons either contesting directly or in the Taluk list is already an elected member of any political party it will invoke disqualification from the District Dalit Panchayat Parliament.
Any candidate who is found to be providing drinks or other materials to gain votes will be disqualified.
Any candidate with known criminal records or known to be a wife-basher or to be indulging in compulsive misbehavior with women will be disqualified.
Other Conditions
All taluks will select either equal or more number of women representatives in their taluk list.
Decisions of Election Commission will be final in all electoral matters.
No excuses on the day of election will be entertained. Misunderstanding and not understanding the election rules will be at the risk of the Taluk and Hobli Leaders. All must take the responsibility to clarify any issue with the Election Commission sufficiently early and also educate the members of their Taluk DPs.
Timing of Elections
The election timing for the District Dalit Panchayat Parliament in the year 2007 will be from 08 hours to 14 hours on 14 April 2007.
Closing Procedures
The Chief Election Commissioner will personally ensure the proper sealing of the ballot boxes at the end of voting.
Sealing of ballot boxes will be done in the presence of other members of the Election Commission, the Director of REDS, the Dalit Swamiji, the appointed Taluk leaders of Tumkur District and the polling Agents.
After the sealing the ballot boxes the Chief Election Commissioner, accompanied by all the officers mentioned above in No. 33 will take the ballot boxes with adequate police or other security personnel to the office REDS at Shanthinagar.
In the office of REDS at Shanthinagar in the presence of all the mentioned officers and under the surveillance of the police and/or other security personnel the Chief Election Commissioner will place all the ballot boxes in one room and seal the room so that nobody else will be able enter the room until it is opened by the Chief Election Commissioner or a person deputed by her/him on the day of counting.
Procedures for Counting of Votes
On the day of counting i.e. on 15 April 2007 the ballot boxes will be opened in the presence of the Chief Election Commissioner along with his/her colleagues and the polling agents as nominated by the Taluk Leaders.
The Chief Election Commissioner will make sure, before removing the seals of the ballot boxes, that the ballot boxes have not been tampered with and that no mischief has been done with the ballot boxes in the preceding night.
The counting agents will then start their task of sorting out the votes and counting of votes. They will first separate the white ballot papers from the pink ballot papers in each ballot box.
First they will count the votes of the direct contestants in each taluk and will announce the results over loud speakers as soon as the counting is over.
If the observers from each taluk bring up any procedural anomaly while counting the Election Commissioner may order recounting of ballot papers in the concerned taluk.
Upon announcing the results of the direct candidates election from each taluk the polling agents will begin to count the ballot papers of the Taluk List.
Election Results
Minimum percentage of votes required for any Taluk to be represented in the DDP is 2.5%. This will be known as the DDP threshold.
The percentage of seats for each taluk will be decided based on the percentage of votes each taluk gains in the election.
The percentage of votes will be calculated in relation to total number of votes polled in the election to the District Dalit Panchayat Parliament on 14 April 2007.
After doing all the percentage calculations carefully the number of candidates elected from each taluk will be announced in the loud speakers.
Subsequent to this the Taluk List received from each taluk will be placed before the polling agents and the names of the candidates elected in the order of priority as per the presented list will be announced.
Election to the Supreme Council of Dalit Panchayats
After the announcement of all the 100 candidates of the District Dalit Panchayat Parliament the Election Commission will formally announce the date for the Election to the Supreme Council of Dalit Panchayats.
The Supreme Council of Dalit Panchayat will be constituted by electing ten from among the 100 members of the District Dalit Panchayat Parliament.
The election to the Supreme Council will be done in the model of the traditional Dalit Panchayat in the villages. The 100 members of the District Dalit Panchayat Parliament will assemble on the appointed day and will elected ten members among them by mutual consensus.
Election Commission
The Election Commission will consist of the following persons:
Mr. Pradeep Esteves
Mrs. Jyothi Chandrasekhar
Mrs. Anita Cheria
Mr. Edwin
Mrs. Jyothiraj
Mr. M C Raj
Membership Details
Total Number of Membership : 25748
Division I
Pavagada : 3829
Madhugiri : 3148
Koratagere : 2702
Division II
Sira : 6334
Gubbi : 1046
Tumkur : 2771
Division IV
Turuvekere : 3042
Tiptur : 1448
Chikkanayakanahalli : 1428
Land Affairs
Sreekanta – Proposed by Shivanna
Seconded by Rajamma
Government Schemes
Shivanajaiah – Proposed by Shankaraia
Seconded by Gowramma
Women Leadership
Prema – Proposed Sreenivas
Seconded Shivanajaiah
Duty and Discipline – Krishnamoorthy
Proposed – Bhagya
Seconded – Kalamma
Dali Panchayat Ministry – Krishnamurthy
Proposed by Bhagya
Seconded by Shivanna
Dalit Politics and Electoral reforms
Nagalakshmamma
Proposed by Shivanna
Seconded by Puttaiah
Finance
Jayamma
Proposed by
Bhagyamma
Seconded by Gowramma
Proposed by Bhagya
Seconded by Shivanajaiah
Dalit Education
Rajamma
Proposed by Gowramma
Shivanna
President Dwight D. Eisenhower
Farewell Address
January 17, 1961
(Military-Industrial Complex Speech)
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My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen. Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology, global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle-with liberty at stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research-these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs. balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between action of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.
IV
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peace time, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence, economic, political, even spiritual, is felt in every city, every state house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been over shadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system-ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
V
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we, you and I, and our government, must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
VI
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose difference, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war-as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years-I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
VII
So, in this my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation's great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing inspiration:
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
Radio-Television Address: January 17, 1961