CBI Probe Commenced as case Lodged against Todi
Palash Biswas
Contact: Palash C Biswas, C/O Mrs Arati Roy, Gosto Kanan, Sodepur, Kolkata- 700110, India. Phone: 91-033-25659551
Email: alashchandrabiswas@gmail.com">palashchandrabiswas@gmail.com
Commencing its probe into the mysterious death of computer graphics teacher Rizwanur Rehman in West Bengal, the CBI has registered a case against his industrialist father-in-law Ashok Todi and others.After analysing the entire judgment of Calcutta High Court on October 16, the CBI formed a special team headed by a Joint Director, to go into the circumstances leading to how Rizwanur met his end.The agency, while registering an FIR against Ashok Todi and others under Section 302 of IPC, will now visit the area where Rizwanur's body was found.The High Court had directed the CBI to go into the circumstances of the unnatural death of the youth whose body was found on the rail tracks near Dum Dum on September 21.The agency, while registering an FIR against Ashok Todi and others under Section 302 of IPC, will now visit the area where Rizwanur's body was found. The High Court had directed the CBI to go into the circumstances of the unnatural death of the youth whose body was found on the rail tracks near Dum Dum on September 21.Political leaders in Bengal have no easy explanation how the non-political protest over the Rizwanur Rahman case grew from strength to strength without the participation of any party or organised group and finally forced Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee to bite the dust. It may be too early to say if it will stay to set a trend, but Gandhian politics has clearly won a big round in Indian Marxists’ very own city. And this should worry both the Marxists and Mamata Banerjee if their brand of politics is losing its steam.The public outcry over the Rizwanur Rahman case may be gaining momentum, but the 30 years of Left rule in West Bengal is replete with many such mysterious deaths and disappearances where investigations have been inconclusive and justice elusive.
CBI Director Vijay Shanker had earlier said that the agency will comply with the High Court order ''in the cause of justice and complete the investigation in the quickest, transparent and objective manner''.
Rizwanur's death, following his marriage to Priyanka on August 18, had sparked a national outcry. The youth had allegedly been threatened by senior Kolkata police officials, including two Deputy Commissioners, to separate from his wife.Rehman was found dead on railway tracks under mysterious circumstances on September 21, a few days after he married a Hindu girl from an influential business family who opposed the wedding.
Rizwanur's mother Kishwar Jahan and elder brother Rukbanur had moved the High Court seeking a CBI inquiry into his death, claiming they did not have faith in any probe conducted by any state agency.Rizwanur Rehman’s brother Mr Rukbanur Rehman was provided with security cover by Kolkata Police’s special branch last evening after his family had been alerted of possible threat to his life. The threat alert was made by a man who identified himself as Mr S Bhattacharjee, a police constable from North 24-Parganas. Mr S Bhattachrarjee was later handed over to Kareya police. Mr Javed Shamim, DC (South) said that after this incident, Mr Rehman has been provided with protection.
Veteran CPI(M) leader Jyoti Basu on Friday lashed at Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee when he said the delay in action against police officials, allegedly involved in the death of Rizwanur Rehman, had caused "a political loss for the party".
"This has caused political loss for the party. The step to transfer the police officers should have been taken earlier by the West Bengal government than when it finally did," Basu said here after the weekly CPI(M) state secretariat meeting.
"Though late, the step was right," added Basu who earlier said he had been told by the chief minister that action had been taken against the officers involved.
He was commenting on the transfer of three IPS officers, including the Police Commissioner Prasun Mukherjee and two other officers of the Kolkata Police by Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee on October 17 following the public outcry over the computer graphics teacher's unnatural death.
"We still do not know how he died," Basu said.
Most of these cases had grabbed media attention with allegations of political conspiracy. But they soon faded from public memory and the culprits were not even booked, let alone punished. The brutal rape and murder of a health worker had even provoked the now infamous remark by then chief minister Jyoti Basu that “these things happen”.
At a time when Rizwanur’s death has triggered candlelight vigils, online petitions, and demonstrations seeking a CBI probe and action against the policemen involved, DNA takes a look at the high-profile cases that stirred hearts and grabbed headlines in the past.
Bhikhari Paswan’s disappearance: A police team led by then additional superintendent of Hooghly Harmanprit Singh picked up jute mill worker Bhikari Paswan from his residence on October 30, 1993. Paswan has been missing since. Following public outrage, the case was handed over to the CBI, but investigations remained inconclusive. Why Paswan was picked up remains a mystery. Singh is presently an inspector-general of police and received all his promotions in time, including prize postings
After becoming the subject of multiple investigations in the Rizwanur Rahman death case, Kolkata Police tried to project a people-friendly image as newly appointed Commissioner Goutam Mohan Chakraborty called up the Rizwanur's brother and promised security to his family. Chakraborty called up Rukbanur, Rizwanur's brother, on Thursday and enquired after him and other family members. The police commissioner also gave him his mobile phone number and asked him to get in touch with him if they required any help.
Rizwanur's brother had earlier expressed fear of a backlash from people unhappy with the latest developments and sought help from Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya.
''We were pleasantly surprised at receiving the call from the new police commissioner. We hope the police will cooperate with us,'' he said.
A police picket was posted outside their home at Tiljala in central Kolkata on Thursday after a stranger warned Rukbanur about possible attacks on the family.
Rukbanur had been invited to inaugurate a Durga Puja in Barasat, on the city's fringes, by members of the All India Minority Forum on Wednesday. Just as he was about to leave home, a stranger warned him against venturing out.
''He told me I would be attacked at the pandal and I would be taking a big risk if I went there,'' he said.
''Ever since we got the threat, we have decided not to take any chances. We do not feel comfortable going out,'' said Zahida, Rukbanur's wife.
A police picket was posted on Thursday outside Rizwanur Rahman’s residence at Tiljala in Kolkata after a stranger warned his brother about possible attacks on the family.Despite the presence of three policemen, the Rahman family said they were feeling unsafe venturing out as they feared "a backlash from people unhappy with the latest developments". Five police officers — including two deputy commissioners and the police commissioner — were shunted out on Wednesday after the Calcutta High Court ordered a CBI probe into the case.
Rizwanur’s elder brother Rukbanur was warned against venturing out by a person when he was about to leave his home to inaugurate a puja organised by members of the All India Minority Forum on Wednesday. "A man who identified himself as S Bhattacharya told me that I could be attacked at the pandal and I would be taking a big risk if I went there," said Rukbanur.
"Ever since we got to know of the threat, we have decided not to take any chances. The police picket is welcome but we do not feel comfortable leaving home," said Zahida, Rukbanur’s wife. Even though the family has said that the transfer of officers was not enough and called for the punishment of those involved in Rizwanur’s mysterious death, Tiljala residents were jubilant. "This is a victory for all of us and a lesson for the government," said a neighbour.
ASHIS CHAKRABARTI reports for The Telegraph:
The unnamed individuals who had hit upon the idea of the citizens’ vigil outside the gate of St Xavier’s College were anxious to keep the politicians at bay. Opposition politicians who sought to sneak in there to lend their names to the protests were politely told to go away. Even when they went elsewhere — to Rahman’s home at Tiljala or some other place — they failed to strike a chord with the mourners and protesters.
While the setback for Bhattacharjee is obvious, the political implication of this successful non-political intervention may take time to sink in. The obvious explanation, though, is that the peaceful protest succeeded precisely because the politicians were not in it and that it signalled a rejection of Bengal’s familiar, mostly violent, form of oppositional politics.
The symbolism of the candles burning outside a Jesuit-run college — no roadblocks, no siege of the police station across the road, no stone or bomb-throwing mobs — is too Gandhian to be missed even by the ruling Marxists.
Mamata, too, tried a familiar Gandhian form of protest, when she was on a 25-day hunger strike at Esplanade last December to protest against the eviction of farmers in Singur. Nothing about it was Gandhian, the politicians and the people knew, except the form.
First, the politics of fasts has become so routine in India that the people have almost forgotten its Gandhian association. More important, the antecedents of politicians always colour the public perceptions of their agitational forms.
Mamata’s politics of street battles is too well-known for her fast to be taken seriously as a Gandhian protest. Even as she fasted in Calcutta, her partymen fought the police with bombs and stones in Singur.
The Marxists can worry even more about the success of the protest. They have long benefited from the Opposition’s aimless politics of street violence and the people’s growing aversion to it.
In a way, Mamata’s kind of politics has been their best bet. Large sections of the people who had resented many of the Left’s policies and politics were as disgusted with Mamata’s antics. She was not their alternative to the Marxists.
The result was that the so-called civil society had practically no role in matters relating to Bengal’s politics and government. And, that, as always, helped the rulers.
Even when small sections of this society did speak up, the voice was so feeble and the number so small that the rulers had nothing much to fear from them. Even in the early days of the vigil outside St Xavier’s, CPM leaders hoped that this anger of the “genteel class”, as one of them put it, would do no better than the noises in the seminar circuit over Singur and Nandigram.
The government had to back down from the proposed chemical hub at Nandigram, the party’s leaders told themselves, not because of the chattering classes, but because of the resistance by the villagers on the ground.
After the Rizwanur story so far, they cannot sit pretty on their old assumptions. In the age of televised revolutions and riots, no protests are just urban or rural.
Nobody, not even those who took part in the candle-light vigil, would claim that candles — and not stones, bombs and roadblocks — would henceforth be the most potent political weapon in Bengal. Or, that organised party politics would lose its place in the state’s politics.
But this protest seems to have taught Bengal’s politicians two basic lessons — that they cannot take any section of the people for granted and that the people, pushed to a corner, would invent new forms of politics or go back to some old, Gandhian ones.
Rizwanur Rehman’s death - a long tradition of Police atrocities in Bengal
http://sanhati.com/front-page/383/
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Nagarik Mancha - Cause of Action:
‘…mysterious death of 30-year-old graphics designer Rizwanur Rahman on September 21, just over a month after he married Priyanka Todi, the daughter of prominent city businessman Ashok Todi, chairman and managing director of Lux Hosiery…’ [Indian Express, 30.9.2007].
A number of issues have come up after Rizwanur’s death at Kolkata – the Government’s role, activities of the police and the limitations of civil society initiatives.
1. It does not matter much as to who is in the government, or who the Minister is, or how he values culture or for that matter how honest he is. During Congress rule Ms Ashima Poddar, a CPI (M) activist from Beleghata, was tortured in police lockup. Later during the victory celebrations at the Brigade Parade Ground, after the formation of the first Left Front Government in 1977, her plight was mentioned as an instance of atrocities on the woman of Bengal. That such selfless sacrifices from people like her had contributed towards Left Front’s success was acknowledged. However none of the police personnel guilty of atrocities on Ashima have been punished during the last 31 years of Left rule in West Bengal.
2. Runu Guha Neogi who tortured and tyrannised Ms Archana Guha and Ms Latika Guha during early ’70s remained scot-free till his death. Even after being convicted by the Court, this police officer was not even suspended. Conversely the Jyoti Basu-led Left Front Government promoted him for his reported efficiency in nabbing dacoits.
3. Ms Brinda Karat, Polit Bureau member of CPI (M), has stated that Judicial Enquiries are held in West Bengal, but in other States even such probes are not ordered. Maybe she is right. However in our State reports of such enquiries are not published and even when published the police personnel found guilty are not punished as per recommendations. During the Left Front rule 26 Judicial Enquiry Commissions have been set up. Till 2000, twenty such reports have been submitted. The West Bengal Government has not taken any action, as per recommendations, even in one case. Justice Samarendra Chandra Deb Commission was set-up to probe into the death of Idris Mian in the Central Lockup of the Calcutta Police Head Quarters at Lalbazar. Almost after five years, seven police personnel were found guilty. No legal action was initiated against them. Only the Officer-in-Charge of the Central Lockup Mr Dipak Roy had been suspended. Justice Ambika Prasad Bhattacharya Commission was set-up to probe into student’s death caused by police firing at Darjeeling in 1981. The report was submitted to the Government after four years but till date neither has any action been taken nor has the report been published. Even after 19 years the Justice Haripada Das Commission is yet to submit its report regarding incidents at Katra, Murshidabad. Ordering Judicial probes, delay in submission / publication of reports, apathy to take action as per Commissions recommendations have reduced this entire exercise into a farce – a tactics to delay and/or deny justice.
4. The police are held to be guilty or accused or convicted for the death or missing cases related to Kamal Thakur, Bhikari Paswan, Babai Biswas, Raj Chakraborty, Muhammad Alam, Khagen Majhi, Sanjib Pal, Harish Biswas, Suresh Barui, Partha Majumdar and so on. Fake encounters, abduction, cases of forced disappearance from police custody tantamount to kidnapping with motives of murder – and the list goes on.
a) In 1987 Subhankar Sarangi was murdered at Jhargram, Midnapore. In this case four police personnel were sentenced to five years of imprisonment in 2001. The convicted police personnel were not even suspended leave alone terminated or jailed.
b) Muhammad Alam was arrested for a petty crime from Garden Reach in 1995. Police personnel demanded four thousand rupees as ‘ransom’ for his release. When denied he was beaten up viciously and produced in Court. Without inspecting his injuries the Hon’ble Judge remanded him to judicial custody. Alam succumbed to his injuries in jail. 28 injuries were detected on Alam’s body during post mortem. A case was initiated against police personnel. Six of them were convicted and arrest warrants were issued. However the convicted police personnel have not been ‘found’! Fresh arrest warrants have been issued but they have not been served though it is known that at such points of time they have been posted at various police stations and even at Lalbazar. The State Administration has not taken any departmental action against them.
c) In 1997, Officer-in-Charge, Kalyani PS and some other police personnel picked up Khagen Majhi from his home. Later he was reported to be killed in an ‘encounter’. The Human Rights Commission report disagreed with the encounter-story and held the above police personnel guilty. The mother of Khagen filed a case against the accused police personnel. The family was offered money. Denial was met with threats of dire consequences. The Court directed the police to provide security to the family. The Superintendent of Police did nothing. Threats continued unabated. The Court issued arrest warrants against the convicted police personnel. Here too none of them could be found! On 23 January 2004, the police abducted Nagen Majhi the brother of Khagen. He has not been traced till date. All the guilty, accused and convicted police personnel are in service.
d) On the day West Bengal Assembly elections were held in 2001, the police chased Topi Das and he fell into the Subhash Sarobar at Beleghata. Police jumped into the lake and beat him up. Topi died. The Court issued arrest warrant against an Assistant Commissioner, an Officer-in-Charge and a Constable. Their anticipatory bail petitions have been rejected in the lower Court, High Court and the Supreme Court. The State Administration have not arrested them, have not suspended them and all of them are in service
5. On 5 September 1997 the police, in another ‘fake’ encounter, killed Suresh Barui. The police of Habra PS, North 24 Parganas, took away Partha Majumdar, from the place of occurrence. He had a bullet wound too. All this in front of many villagers. The State Human Rights Commission refuted the plea of encounter and recommended CID investigation. The CID on 12 January 2004 and 19 February 2004 charge-sheeted eleven accused police personnel u/s 364/201/34 of IPC, the charge levelled being kidnapping or abducting in order to murder. However two other police personnel named in the WBHRC report have not been charge-sheeted. It is notable that the State government has not given any cognisance to the demands of arresting, suspending or taking the accused police personnel into judicial custody during the trial. Conversely some of the police personnel have been promoted during the last 10 years. Some of the accused come to the Court in official cars with red lights flashing.
6. Despite the Chief Minister’s speeches at the annual meetings of the Police Associations urging the police personnel to become friends to the general public, citizens face a different story. Even for petty problems like diarising loss of mobile or cheque books the citizens need to pay bribes. At least a pack of cigarette is required for lodging a general diary. Hence it is needless to mention that the hyper activity of the Kolkata police on the face of a complaint about the ‘abduction’ of a businessman’s daughter has been powered by money.
7. Using the threat of police action political parties and leaders involve themselves in various nefarious activities. Many are implicated in false cases, are threatened with dire consequences and terrorised to gain favour from the moneyed and powerful section of the society. Only because of this Justice Molla had called the Police, a State backed force of organised hooligans.
8. In many instances of marriage in accordance with Special Marriage Act there have been undue and illegal involvement of well-to-do relatives, police and political leaders in such personal matters. So much so that even in cases of members of Leftist political parties the power of the police have been used.
9. Police personnel were responsible for the death of Kamal Thakur. For demanding punishment for the accused police personnel, his father and then his brother have been murdered under the guise of accidents.
There are many more such incidents. The Police Administration is doing its utmost to use their power to try to influence the witnesses and tamper with evidences. In many cases there have been no trials, in others the convicted have not been punished.
The conscious and well-meaning citizens have remained silent in order not to invite trouble.
Rizwanur was apprehensive. That is why he informed Kareya PS, Kolkata Police Commissioner, human rights organisations and many others. Maybe most of them initiated timely and effective actions. Yet the life threat from the police continued. Threats to be implicated in false cases and consequent arrest continued.
It is sad that the news media did not come to know about the ‘news’ before Rizwanur died. Or even if they did come to know maybe they could not find the appropriate ‘focus’ or ’story line’.
Those who are champions in combating police atrocities and torture, both experienced and inexperienced, perhaps became active but Rizwanur died.
Now there will be many walks, meetings and other forms of protest. There will be promises to stand by the victim’s family. It will happen. It has happened. A great number of families have lost a great number of their dear ones in West Bengal. They have lost them to police atrocities and foul play.
There are only a few families who are still really fighting an unequal battle – demanding justice. Demanding that the accused or the convicted police personnel be punished. Come let us all now stand by their sides.
Naba Dutta
Phone: +9133 2344 9328
Email: nprajna2005@yahoo.com, duttaraychaudhuri@gmail.com
Globalisation of Capital: Some Questions
April 7, 2007
By Debarshi Das, Sanhati
The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman is a known whipping boy of the liberal left. When his bestseller The World is Flat was released in 2005 it was received with usual disdain and ridicule (I found the following review particularly enjoyable: The peculiar genius of Thomas L. Friedman). In the book, Friedman argues that due to advancement in information technology, globalisation has become a practical panacea for us. Here ‘us’ implies all the citizens of the world, not just those living in the first world. The playing field has been levelled so much that it has become flat. What is required is to reap the benefits of globalisation by pushing for greater openness of trade for goods and services and freer movement of capital. Globalisation creates wealth for all the stakeholders, and interconnects them in gigantic supply chains. People all over the world will be keen to maintain the supply chains undisturbed. World peace will thus be attained. There are some who are creating obstacles on this highway to peace and prosperity. Friedman calls them Islamo-Leninists.
Leaving aside the inanity of his arguments, the thrust of it – that the world is becoming a level ground for the smooth movement of capital more than ever before – has been knocking at our door for quite some now. Have we taken due recognition of the change? Have the programmes for social revolution been accordingly amended?
Let us do a little stock taking of Indian communist parties. Our attempt here is to draw a brief sketch, which runs the risk of being a caricature. One of the first tasks which a communist party does in its programme is to identify the ruling class of the nation state in which it is located. It gives a clear idea as to who are the rulers, who are the ruled; who may be identified as an ally and who are the enemies of social revolution. This document fundamentally sets one party apart from another, since identification of one’s friends and enemies decides what the immediate and eventual tasks of the party are.
Almost all the communist parties of India identify imperialism as a great threat to social revolution. This formulation has its basis not only in the colonial history of India – Lenin’s theorisation of imperialism as necessarily being of reactionary nature had an influence as well. However some of the parties believe that in the fight against imperialism the domestic capitalist class can be an ally, since the interests of the national bourgeoisie are mostly in conflict with the imperial capital. Participation in parliamentary politics therefore is part of the tactic, as it only strengthens the nation state in the fight against imperialism. Alliance with the domestic bourgeoisie is needed also to engender a process of indigenous capitalist development, which by strengthening the nation state will ensure a tougher resistance against imperialism. In order to assist development of domestic capital one needs a strong public sector. Some of the important functions which the public sector will serve are, (a) investing in sectors which are shunned by private capital due to high risk or long gestation period needed to recoup the return (these sectors may be vital for the long run growth of even private capital); (b) account for the externalities which do not enter into the cost-benefit calculations of private capital (simply put, it takes social costs and benefits into consideration, such as establishing a water purifying plant or a public park). These parties recognise that in agriculture, where the majority of India earns its livelihood, capitalist mode of production may not be dominant. There is prevalence of tenancy farming, subsistence family farming which do not satisfy the principal conditions of capitalist production (namely, production for the market, existence of wage labour and accumulation of capital). But capitalism seems to have made an entry into the scene and it is believed to be the ascendant mode.
On the other side of the spectrum are the political groups and parties which do not have much faith in the national nature of the domestic bourgeoisie. Their formulation draws from Mao Tsetung’s idea of comprador bourgeoisie – a capitalist class which does not see much profit in developing independently, in conflict with or in disjunction to imperial capital. It mostly works as agent of the latter. This class is incapable of bringing about a vibrant capitalist economy, where reinvestment of surplus will transform the productive forces. Capitalism is often thought to be associated with huge transformations. Marx had identified it with change, creation and dynamism. Joseph Schumpeter had described its trajectory as that of ‘creative destruction’. But compradors do not have such ground shattering changes on their agenda. They are what Mao described as ‘underlings’; they are for the status quo, not for change. Therefore there is not much point in allying with this reactionary class. Parliamentary politics, a ploy of the agents of global capital and feudal landlords, may not at all be a weapon for bringing about ‘new democratic revolution’ – a revolution to transform a semi-feudal, semi-colonial state into a capitalist one (with the important qualification that this change is to be brought about at the behest of the new democratic state). Therefore the principal tactic for throwing out the semi-feudal, semi-colonial state is to apply extra-parliamentary means. Mass organisations will keep contact with the ‘civil society’ – whereas the party will work from underground. These parties and groups are often pigeon-holed in the nomenclature Naxalites, and more recently Maoists.
What brings Tom Friedman into this unlikely company is the change that has taken place in the last three decades or so. Friedman, perhaps unknowingly, is referring to the fluid identity and movement of global capital. Capital is losing its national origins more than ever before. Lenin’s finance capital had a strong nation state and other state-centred paraphernalia tethered to it. Since nation states, controlled by their capitalist classes, had their stakes in their respective capitals, they fought world wars in the service of capitals. The neoliberal world of today presents us with a different beast. The new finance capital is much more faceless and swift. Unprecedented amounts of capital are crossing national borders in a matter of seconds. These flows do not owe allegiance to any nation. Capital originating from India will be as swift in the global hunt for higher return as the capital from Honduras.
In the wake of dominance of ‘nation-less’ capital, the identity and existence of the nation state itself is increasingly coming under pressure. Nonetheless, it is true that much of the flow is denominated in terms of US dollars. This provides the US economy the freedom to go on purchasing goods and services from the rest of the world by simply issuing dollars. The faith of the global investors on dollars is partly explained by the fact that (a) US has been the leading capitalist nation for several decades now, (b) though its economic might may be waning, it’s military and global political prowess are still unchallenged. However, a declining US economy running on huge current account deficit can not carry on the way it has been doing. A collapse of global confidence on US dollar is long overdue. In sum, the mightiest of the nation states is itself not very comfortable with the new beast.
Need not the programmes of communist parties be responsive to these political economic changes? Should we not move away from the binary of domestic capital (national or comprador) and imperial capital, when their colours are intermingling like never before? Following are some tentative hypotheses.
National capital a la Bombay Plan and Nehruvian Socialism is long gone. One seldom finds corporate houses beseeching the State’s intervention in support of ‘Indian’ capital for fighting multinational corporations. Communist Party of India and Communist Party of India (Marxist) seem to be much more concerned about indigenous capitalist development than the domestic capitalists. Exhortations for nation state from party quarters notwithstanding, the domestic bourgeoisie does not appear to be troubled by the nation state’s future either. On the other hand, the subservient nature of domestic capital seems to be on the decline too. Indian business houses are buying large businesses of First World origin. There are instances of the reverse nature as well. Perhaps all this demonstrates: capital is on a process of metamorphosis – to become a homogenous, single and global category. Conflicts between different capitals, with trenches dug along national boundaries, are subsiding. In sum, there is not much hope of indigenous capitalist development to be carried out by the ‘national’ bourgeoisie. Moreover, the fight against imperialism in a particular country can not be seen in isolation from the fight in other countries. As capital loses its national mooring and becomes global, it is transforming its dialectical opposite into a single mass. Successful resistance against capital has to be built up at an international level. There are insinuations – political or academic – harping on the differences among labours. These have to be clearly analysed and put into perspective. Leon Trotsky’s Permanent Revolution seems to be relevant. So do the World System theories a la Andre Gunder Frank et al.
What effect did these developments have on the domestic ruling class alliance? The previous characterisations had feudal landlords as one important partner in the ruling alliance. Has their stature remained the same? Who will be the allies in the resistance against capital?
Events in India seem to indicate that the balance within the ruling class alliance is tilting in favour of industrial capital (as also services). Terms of trade in the domestic economy has been going against agriculture for a long time now. This is affecting profitability in agriculture and the surplus generated from it. Procurement operations of grains and farm subsidies are being curtailed in the name of fiscal prudence. Quantitative restrictions on farm products imports have been lifted, import duties have been drastically reduced; land is being grabbed on a massive scale. Compensations paid for acquired land should have kept the landlords contended, since their livelihood does not depend on land. But it will imply an eventual emasculation of the landlords – as the basis of their political and social power is eroding.