Stampede Time
Palash Biswas
Contact: Palash C Biswas, C/O Mrs Arati Roy, Gosto Kanan, Sodepur, Kolkata- 700110, India. Phone: 91-033-25659551
Email: palashbiswaskl@gmail.com
At least 14 people, including 13 women were trampled to death in the Mughalsarai station in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh on Wednesday.They were reportedly in a rush to change trains and died a horrible death on an overbridge.Inspector General of Police, Varanasi Zone, Kashmir Singh said the women had arrived at the Mughalsarai station for going to Varanasi for a ritual bath in the Ganges on the occasion of Putrajaya, a local festival.
The incident occurred while they were climbing the stairs at the railway station around 1.45 pm (IST) for changing platforms as two trains had arrived at the station around the same time.
''It happened when two trains arrived together and there were many people on the platform as it is an important day where many people fast. There was a breach on the bridge and there was a stampede,'' said Harindra Rao, North Central Railways, Varanasi.
But this is not the first time such a tragedy has occurred at a station in the country. Five people were killed in a stampede at the New Delhi railway station three years ago and most passengers were bound for Bihar for the Chhat Puja celebrations.
In September 2002, 18 people were crushed to death at the Charbagh railway station in Lucknow. The victims - all BSP supporters - were in town to attend a Mayawati rally when the incident occurred.
The need of the hour therefore, is decongesting our stations. It is something spoken of in the past every time such a tragedy occurs, but sadly is forgotten soon after.
Centre defends Constitutional provision for 27 per cent quota
New Delhi: The Centre today defended before
the Supreme Court the validity of the provision in the
Constitution enabling it to make a law providing 27 per cent
quota for OBCs in the Central educational institutions.
It contended that the 93rd Constitutional Amendment by
which Article 15(5) was included to enable reservation for
socially and educationally backward classes (SEBCs) was not
unconstitutional and violative of the basic structure of the
Constitution.
"Article 15 (5) is not only an enabling provision but
also confers legislative competence for making such law,"
senior advocate K Parasaran said before a five-judge
Constitution Bench headed by Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan
which is examining the validity of the controversial
legislation providing 27 per cent quota.
"The amendment does not confer unbridled power.
Parliament and legislatures are alone the arms of the state to
make laws. An amendment of the Constitution can empower them
to make particular laws by adding to the empowerment," he
said.
Supporting the argument of Solicitor General G E
Vahanvati that caste alone could be the starting point of
identifying the backwared classes, he said "this country is
caste ridden and victims of caste system have to be identfied
for remedial action".
The senior advocate said political justice has been done
to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes by reserving
seats in Parliament and social justice could reach to the
backward classes by providing them education at all level.
"Knowledge is respected everywhere," Parasaran said
emphasising that "education gives status and if both of them
are there opportunity comes automatically".
Religious places can become terror targets: Patil
Warning that terrorists were using modern technologies to carry out attacks, Home Minister Shivraj Patil today said religious places can become targets and suggested actionable intelligence for better policing.
"It is becoming obvious that more sophisticated weapons and devices may be used by terrorists. They are likely to use modern technologies in carrying out terrorist activities," he said inaugurating a three-day Conference of Directors and Inspectors General of Police here. Patil cautioned that terrorists are likely to use publicity apparatus to mislead the masses and create mischief and violence at places where innocent people congregate in large numbers.
"Religious places can be attacked. Police may become their targets. Politicians and other important persons may also be targeted," he told the country`s top police brass at the meeting, organised by the Intelligence Bureau. With intelligence reports suggesting that "sleeper cells" of Pakistan-based Lashker-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed being present in the country, the minister said "they can become active when needed by them (terrorist groups)."
Asking the participants to review terrorism minutely at the national level, the Home Minister said perfect, reliable and actionable intelligence was required to perform "policing in a proper manner". Patil favours inclusion of weaker sections in police
Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil on Wednesday came out strongly in favour of weaker sections, women and minorities in having a "just-share" in the police. Addressing the country`s top police brass here, he said there was a demand that weaker sections of the society, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and minorities should have a just share in the police.
"These demands, the provisions of the constitution, laws and pronounced policies of the government should never be lost sight of, while recruiting the candidates in the police forces," Patil said in his speech at the meeting of police DGs and IGs, organised by the Intelligence Bureau.
Observing that the percentage of women police personnel needed to be increased, Patil said, "Let us endeavour in a just manner to achieve these objectives without delays. He cautioned that if this was not done in a proper manner, "all sections of the society might not enjoy the sense of security which should never be allowed to happen."
On police reforms, the Home Minister said there was an urgent need to replace the Police Act of 1861 with a new one to keep pace with growing challenges. Patil also spoke about crimes committed against weaker sections and senior citizens and said they should be approached by the governments and the police in their times of need and difficulties.
To meet new challenges of increasing dimensions, Patil suggested use of electronic gadgets on a larger and higher scale. Besides, there was a need to have more training centres and institutions, he added.
SC declines to quash interim bail granted to Dera Chief
The Supreme Court on Wednesday declined to quash the interim bail granted to controversial Dera Saccha Sauda chief, Baba Gurmeet Singh Ram Rahim in the criminal cases filed against him by the CBI. A bench of Justices Ashok Bhan and V S Sirpurkar, while dismissing the SLP filed by the family of a murder victim, upheld the contention of the Punjab and Haryana High Court that the accused was entitled to an interim bail as the CBI had not arrested him during the investigations. The apex court found no merit in the submission of the petitioner that the Dera Chief was not entitled to any bail since he has been charged with various offences including two murders and a rape. The petition was filed by the family of Ram Chander Chhattarrapati, a journalist who was allegedly murdered at the instance of the Dera Chief.
On September 17, the High Court had granted interim bail to the Dera Chief till the sessions court in Ambala decided on the plea for a regular bail moved by the accused in the three cases registered against him by the CBI. The High Court had ruled that Gurmeet Singh Ram Rahim would have to appear before the Sessions Court on October 4 and file a petition for regular bail, upon which he shall be released on interim bail.
SETHU-BJP
BJP member file case against Karunanidhi's remarks on Ram
Vijayawada: A BJP activist has filed a
private complaint at the First Metropolitan Magistrate court
here against Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi for
"hurting the sentiments of Hindus" by commenting against Lord
Ram.
State BJP Executive Member from Krishna District, D Kurma
Rao filed the private complaint yesterday.
Speaking to reporters here today, Rao said Karunanidhi
had questioned, "Whether Lord Ram was an Engineer who could
construct the Sethu, if so in which engineering college, he
studied."
Such irresponsible statements would hurt the sentiments
of the majority community in the country.
Hence, he should be punished under the provisions of the
Indian Penal Code under sections 295 and 298, Rao said.
Rao also said that the case has been posted to November
BAALU-CONTEMPT (MDS14)
PILs seeking Baalu's removal from cabinet,contempt proceedings
Chenna:Two separate petitions were today
filed in Madras High Court, seeking removal of T R Baalu from
Union Cabinet and initiation of contempt proceedings against
him for his alleged remarks against judiciary.
However, these public interest litigations filed by
Advocate R Balasubramanian, have not been numbered.
In one petition, Balasubramanian sought a direction to
the Prime Minister for recommending to the President to remove
Baalu from Union Cabinet for observing fast on Sethusamudram
project.
In another petition, he sought the court to take contempt
against Baalu for allegedly making some "derogatory remarks"
against the court during the fast.
He contended that ignoring the interim stay for the
Sethusamudram project, the DPA led by DMK, called for a bandh
on October 1.
Challenging this, he, AIADMK and Subramaniam Swamy had
filed petitions and the Madras High Court without granting
stay made some observations. Against this order, the AIADMK
moved the Supreme Court and the apex court stayed the bandh
call by DPA.
Following this, Chief Minister observed fast. Baalu also
participated in the fast and made some "derogatory remarks"
against the judiciary, he added.
He contended that Baalu while holding the office of Union
Cabinet Minister for Shipping and Surface Transport, had
undergone fast. This was not only against the apex court order
but also against the Union Government. This was in violation
of the oath taken by him when he was sworn in as a Member of
Parliament, he added.
Over 25,000 Gurjars lodged in Rajasthan jails
Jaipur: Over 25,000 Gurjars, who were
among the nearly 65,000 members of the community who courted
arrest over their demand of Scheduled Tribe quota status
yesterday, are lodged in different jails of Rajasthan.
The process of registering their whereabouts and
putting them inside permanent or temporarily-created jails in
school and college premises was still underway, IGP (Prison) J
K Sharma told PTI here.
The exact number of Gurjars inside prisons would be
known by tomorrow morning, he said.
However, no one has been granted bail so far as all
protestors are awaiting clearance from the Gurjar Mahasabha
whether to stay inside or seek bail, a spokesman of the
Mahasabha said.
Congress MP Sachin Pilot was lodged in the Jaipur
Central Jail, while Gurjar patron Colonel (retd) Kirori Singh
Bainsala, Mahasabha co-convenor Roop Singh and Atar Singh
Bhadana are in Bharatpur and expelled BJP leader Prahalad
Gunjal is in Kota jail, he said.
SIDDHIVINAYAK-HC
HC asks for intelligence reports on threat to Siddhivinayak
Mumbai:The Bombay High Court today asked
Maharashtra government to produce "inputs" given by
intelligence agencies regarding threat perception to the
famous Siddhivinayak temple here.
Hearing a PIL on security wall around the temple, the
direction of the division bench of Justices J N Patel and
Amjed Sayed followed a statement by state Advocate General
Ravi Kadam that police had received specific information from
intelligence agencies that terrorists could target
Siddhivinayak temple.
"We had specific inputs about two or three targets in the
state, and Siddhivinayak was one of them," Kadam said,
justifying city police's suggestion to temple trust to build a
security wall.
The PIL, filed by Vinod Desai and other residents of the
area around the temple, seeks demolition of the wall -- built
at a cost of Rs six crore -- as it blocks off three roads.
When asked by the judges whether wall made the temple
"foolproof" from terror attacks, Kadam said there could not be
foolproof security, but the wall was built in anticipation of
a direct attack with the use of explosives-laden vehicle.
The court then asked the government to make available the
reports received from intelligence agencies and to state
whether the agencies were satisfied with the wall as a
solution. "Intelligence agencies should inspect security
arrangments, that will assure the devotees," judges said.
As an aside, in an apparent reference to another PIL that
alleges misuse of funds by Siddhivinayak temple trust, the
judges said, "We are dealing with two aspects of threats to
the temple ... One from terrorists, another from trustees ..."
http://www.hindu. com/2007/ 09/28/stories/ 2007092855231200 .htm
Where fusion cannot work — faith and history Romila Thapar If there is strong religious faith among millions of people, it does not require to be protected through massive political demonstrations and the killing of innocent persons. Nor do archaeology and history have to be brought in to keep that faith intact. Faith finds its own place and function, as do archaeology and history. And the place and function of each is separate.
Faith and history have been brought into conflict once again by being forced to jointly occupy the same public space in contemporary India. In effect, there should be no conflict if it is recognised that the two are irreconcilable and that they cannot be fused together. They are independent of each other. Their premises, their methods of enquiry, and their formulations are dissimilar. So instead of trying to conflate them, it might be better to concede the difference and m aintain the distance.
When historians speak of the historicity of person, place, or event, they require evidence — singular or plural — that proves the existence of any of these and this evidence is based on data relating to space and time. The two important spaces in the Valmiki Ramayana are Ayodhya and Lanka, on the location of which scholarly opinion differs.
The location of Lanka, for example, has been disputed by Indian scholars for the past century and remains unidentified with any certainty. Some have located it in the Vindhyas — in Amarkantak or in Chota Nagpur — and others in the Mahanadi delta. The identification with present day Sri Lanka is problematic. The earliest name for Ceylon judging by Indian and Greek and Latin references of the Mauryan and post-Mauryan period was Tamraparni (Taprobane in Greek). Ashoka in the third century BC, in one of his edicts, mentions Tamraparni as on the frontier. Later, the more commonly used name was Sinhala or Sinhala-dvipa, (Silam or Sieledib in Greek). It would seem that the name Lanka was a later adoption of the centuries AD.
This becomes puzzling for the historian. If Valmiki was referring to Ceylon, then the name should have been the one by which the island was known, either Tamraparni or else Sinhala, at the time of his composition. But since the name used is Lanka, which at this time appears not to have been the name for Ceylon, then perhaps Lanka was located elsewhere. The location of the Ram Setu would have to be reconsidered. This has been suggested by scholars who have argued that the setu was more likely located in a small expanse of water in central India and not in the Palk Straits. Nor is the setu referred to in every version of the story. Alternatively, if Lanka in the text is a reference to Ceylon, then the composition of the Valmiki poem would have to be dated to a later period when the island came to be called Lanka. All this uncertainty is quite apart from the question of the technical viability of building a bridge across a wide stretch of sea in the centuries BC.
It is said that the Ram Setu is cultural heritage and therefore cannot be destroyed even if it is a natural geological formation and not man-made. Has the idea become the heritage? To search for a non-existent man-made structure takes away from the imaginative leap of a fantasy and denies the fascinating layering of folk-lore. It would be more appropriate to recognise the undersea formations in the Palk Straits as a natural heritage and protect the relevant areas. We pay no attention to the fact that such marine parks are as important to our ecological future as those visible on the landscape.
That Rama is central to variant versions of the story is, in itself, not evidence of historicity. If the variants contradict each other as they do, this may create problems for those who believe that only one of the variants is true. But multiple variants enrich the interest of historical and comparative analyses in assessing the degree to which each approximates, if at all, to the historical past or what the divergence symbolises.
The two closest in time to the Valmiki are the Buddhist and Jaina variants. The Buddhist version in the Dasaratha Jataka differs entirely from the Valmiki. Rama is the son of the raja of Varanasi; exile is to the Himalayas; and there is no kidnapping of Sita by Ravana.
The earliest of many Jaina versions, the Padmacharita of Vimalasuri, dating to the centuries AD, contradicts all earlier versions and states that it is doing so in order to present the correct version of what happened. It differs substantially from the Valmiki narrative. Ravana is not a demonic villain but a human counter-hero. It presents the story in the conceptual framework of Jainism.
These other versions might be objected to or dismissed by the person who has faith in the Valmiki version since the other versions differ. What is of interest to the historian is not the number of variant versions, which is impressively large, but why major changes were introduced into these.
This does not happen with the biographies of those who were known to be historical figures and who founded belief systems: the Buddha, Jesus Christ, Mohammad. Their biographies adhere largely to a single story-line and this helps to endorse the ‘official’ narrative of their life. Their existence is recorded in other sources as well that are not just narratives of their lives but have diverse associations. The historicity of the Buddha, for example, is established, among other things, by the fact that a couple of centuries after he died, the emperor Ashoka on a visit to Lumbini had a pillar erected to commemorate the Buddha’s place of birth. This is recorded in an inscription on the pillar.
If the current debate had grown from a genuine sense of enquiry, historians might have participated. Human activity has a historical context and this is open to historical comment. But it is only too evident that the issue of the Ram Setu has become a matter of political strategy on the part of those who are mobilising in the name of faith, and on the part of those who are reacting to the mobilisation. From the point of view of archaeology and history, the Archaeological Survey of India was correct in stating that there is to date no evidence to conclusively prove the historicity of Rama. The annulling of this statement was also a political act. Reliably proven evidence is of the utmost significance to history but not so to faith. Blasphemy does not lie in doubting historicity.
The historian is not required to pronounce on the legitimacy of faith. But the historian can try and explain the historical context to why, in a particular space and time, a particular faith acquires support. And we need to remind ourselves that our heritage has been constantly enriched not just by those of faith but also by those who contend with faith.
If there is a strong faith — in the religious sense — among millions of people, then it does not require to be protected through massive demonstrations and the killing of innocent persons, through political mobilisation. Nor do archaeology and history have to be brought in to keep that faith intact. Faith finds its own place and function, as do archaeology and history. And the place and function of each is separate.
To say that the partial removal of an underwater formation in the Palk Straits is going to hurt the faith of millions is not giving faith its due. Is faith so fragile that it requires the support of an underwater geological formation believed to have been constructed by a deity? Making faith into a political issue in order to win elections is surely offensive to faith?
What is at issue is not whether Rama existed or not, or whether the underwater formation or a part of it was originally a bridge constructed at his behest. What is at issue is a different and crucial set of questions that require neither faith nor archaeology but require intelligent expertise: questions that are being wilfully diverted by bringing in faith. Will the removal of a part of the natural formation eventually cause immense ecological damage and leave the coasts of south India and Sri Lanka open to catastrophes, to potential tsunamis in the future? Or can it be so planned that such a potentiality is avoided?
What would be the economic benefits of such a scheme in enhancing communication and exchange? Would the benefits reach out to local communities and if so, how? Equally important, one would like to know precisely what role will be played by the multinational corporations and their associates in India. Who will finance and control the various segments of such an immense project? It is only when such details are made transparent that we will also get some clues to the subterranean activities that are doubtless already simmering. These are the questions that should be asked of this project and that at this point in time should be occupying public space.
(Romila Thapar is a distinguished historian of ancient India. She is the author of several books, including Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, 1961; A History of India: Volume I, 1966; Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300, 2002; and Somanatha: The Many Voices of History, 2005. An expanded version of this article will be published in Economic and Political Weekly, 29 September 2007.)
In Conversation with Mr Bhagwan Das
'It is good to break and bad to continue with a tradition that has subjugated the Dalits'
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
Mr Bhagwan Das is one of the most reputed scholar on Ambedkarism and the issue of Human Rights of Scheduled Castes. Widely traveled, Mr Bhagwan Das has spoken at various national & international platforms on the conditions of Dalits in India and what is the best way of their emancipation. In freewheeling conversation with Vidya Bhushan Rawat, he speak of the state of Dalit movement as well as political parties in India.
What is your reaction to the state of Dalit Movement today? There are so many republican parties as well as different caste based organizations. Then there is political philosophy of BAMSEF and BSP. What do you think is the future?
When Ambedkar entered the field he started Independent Labor Party and in that he not only had untouchable leaders but leaders from other communities such as upper castes who joined the movement and the party. In 1940 he felt that it was not enough so he formed Scheduled Castes Federation and it was exclusively for the untouchables of India. After India's independence he felt that SCF was meaningless hence he started Republican Party of India and it was not a party exclusively for the SC people. He wanted to broaden the base and take up the economic cause for advancement of India but people who took over the leadership of RPI did not understand him and did not want to follow him. They wanted RPI for caste mobilization and hence it split on caste lines. Today there are so many wings of RPI that you do not even know.
You have been critical of BAMSEF? What were the basic differences that you found with them?
BAMSEF is not a political party. It says it is backward, SC and minority employees' federation. If it is an employee federation than it is not a political party. BAMSEF was actually started by some people in Poona. They say we are trying to raise the consciousness of the people but how can a party, which has no political ideology and progrmme do that. But even today, strictly speaking it is not a political party. It is still utter confusion and now it has got spilt into three. And each speaking its own language and frankly speaking dominated by Chamar community in certain areas. In some areas of Vidarbha, it is dominated by the Mahars. It does not have an all India appeal because to organize SCs is not an easy job because they are divided into more than 800 castes. And there are castes and sub castes. Cast rivalry in there. Chamars are divided into more than 60 castes while Sweepers are divided into 12 castes. Valmikis are dominating the sweeper community but they cannot carry Dhanuks, Hellas, Doms and others with them.
So Dalit movement became a movement of a few enlightened castes. When I started Ambedkar Mission movement, I asked in writing that one member of the family must marry outside his /her parental caste. That is the only way to show that you work against casteism. In my case, I have relationship with 67 communities including Malas, Dhanuks etc. If you do not do it and then what is the use of saying that you want to break it?
What has conversion changed for the Dalits? One great Dalit cultural icon blamed conversion for taking away the revolutionary spirit from the community.
It is good to break and bad to continue in the tradition that has subjugated you. It is also important to understand whether it take away the revolutionary spirit or not. It is lack of understanding. Look at this way, if you continue to divide on caste lines you can never become a strong force. All Shudra castes are divided. And atishudras are hopelessly divided because of reservation as it gave opportunities only those which one enlightened made use of reservation and not others. In western UP, it was Jatavs who were the business and lay out number of educated people actually monopolized the jobs. What about others? In case they continue to remain in their communities/cast and not broaden their base, there is no hope. Second, here you are strengthening Hinduism, a religion which has exploited you because in ceremonies such as marriages, cremations, festivals, Mundans, you are following them and strengthening it. You are not strengthening yourself. In case the Dalit embrace other religion what will happen? They embraced Christianity but maintain caste. They embrace Islam and maintain caste because Islamic society is divided into three main castes Ashraf, Ajlaf and Afjals. Ashrafs are Shaikhs, Syed, Mughals and Pathans who came with invaders and they looked down upon people who converted here who were Ajlaf. And the third category people were the working class people; the lower castes and untouchables who converted to Islam were termed as Afjals. Today Butchers ( Khatiq) converted and claim that he is a Quraishi because they came from outside. Julaha is an untouchable caste but after conversion he claims himself as Ansari who came from Ansar. This fact remains despite all claims that Muslim society remains divided into three castes and there is no inter marriages. Christianity, Islam and Sikhism have failed because they were sticking to the originality of religion, presence of God and a book, which was allegedly created by God.
If people continue to be divided on caste line then what is the future? Religion is nominal or little value for the people. They stick to it mostly for political reasons, not because it gives them identity and history but majority of people who are forced into different religions, they only use it for marriages and burial. Nothing wrong with it. Dr Ambedkar thought, we need a revolutionary change and for that religion has to be changed. It needs to be on reason, compassion and brotherhood. He studied Buddhism and as Lord Buddha said towards the end of his life that there is no place for God. He wanted happiness of the people too. Unfortunately, the leaders of Buddhism were not able to carry that message. They maintained caste and at the same time call themselves as Buddhist.
What is the status of Dalit movement today?
Unfortunately, the movement never reached the agrarian communities. Dr Ambedkar chalked out a programme to reach 70% of our population, which lives in villages and was treated by the dominant communities very badly. If it is Marathas, Kunbis in Maharastra, it is Jaats and Gujjars in UP. He thought that Bengal is different. IN Bengal land went to Dalits because of reforms. Unfortunately, the leadership of the movement came from the urban areas. Educated, semi educated people took over the leadership of the movement. The movement did not go beyond that. Some people tried to educate people in the villages but working in the villages is very different, because society there is horizontally and vertically divided and land holding community is the worst enemy. What Ambedkar did was that he gave a call to the people to migrate to the cities. So the people who could not face situation in the rural areas migrated to urban areas but then the situation differs in every state.
In southern states the situation is slightly better in the sense because land was owned by the Brahmins and they have been thrown out in South but in the North India the land was not owned by the Brahmins but by the other people. They are the middle communities and became Hinduised. The village movement of landless people has not been initiated by RPI. They had it in their programme but it was never promoted because most of the leaders came from cities who were interested in winning reserve seats and used poor people for winning elections only.
Scavenger remains the lowest among the Dalits. How do you describe their condition today? What are the impediments in their development?
It is not a community itself. It is divided into 12-14 castes. But in South the division is not that bad. In Andhra Madigas who are basically Chamars but 7 castes among them work as scavengers hence the division is not that strict and harsh as in North India. Most of them are employed under the municipality, cantonment boar, and station staff offices. They have long traditions of people exploiting them and promoted as Jamadars in their department. Inspite of the fact that it is a lowly paid occupation, people pay bribe to get jobs even in Delhi you have to pay bribe to get job under MCD.
Unfortunately, efforts have not been made to unite the sweepers. Why? Because you took up the cause of one particular area and you choose a leader from these quarters. Others are working as private quarters in Mohallas under the bridge system. In this system you work under several masters, get left over food, old cloths, food on marriage or any other festivals so it is not but several local masters.
If they unite for economical weakness, they do not remain so for long. That is why the sweepers and scavengers even today remains to be one of the poorest and backward communities. One reason is leadership, second is economic and third is your locality. And this job does not need hard work. It is definitely a dirty work and looked down upon by every body. These factors resulted in many problems, like drinking and wasteful expenditure. Hindusiation has weakened them as they imitate. Efforts have not been made by different people and leaders to unite different castes and make them acquainted with the programmes of the government. Even the commissions have not been able to do that. Educationally, they are backwards because drop out rate is very high. Efforts have not been made to spread education in these classes.
I have been associated with the movement from the age of 16. I have also been associated with labor movement. Unfortunately ambitious political people take benefit of ignorance and backwardness of these people. Right kind of people are now training the Dalits and giving leadership but unfortunately 'illterate' people with little knowledge are long in the way and I think there is hardly any organization free from these accusations- Congress, BJP and others.
I am happy with the new youngs writing about the movements. When I meet them in conferences and seminars, I feel there is hope, though it is not easy. The population of right thinking people is taking an upward trend. Could you ev
