What Next
Palash Biswas
Contact: Palash C Biswas, C/O Mrs Arati Roy, Gosto Kanan, Sodepur, Kolkata- 700110, India. Phone: 91-033-25659551
Email: alashbiswaskl@gmail.com">palashbiswaskl@gmail.com
Full coverage: Indo-US nuclear deal
http://sify.com/news/fullcover.php?event_id=14461920
Voices of the nations
Sixty years ago this week, India and Pakistan celebrated their independence from Britain. In the first of our week-long series of features on the two countries, Siddhartha Deb considers the legacy of empire in Indian literature
http://books.guardian.co.uk/departments/generalfiction/story/0,,2147824,00.html?gusrc=rss&feed=10
But what next? Are the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Communist Party of India, along with their smaller partners, in a position to topple the government? While the leftist leaders are huddled together in a meeting to hammer out future strategy, the CPM patriarch and former West Bengal chief minister, Jyoti Basu, has ruled out withdrawal of support to the government. BBC reports.The United States-India nuclear cooperation agreement, tabled in India’s Parliament on Monday, has precipitated the worst-ever political crisis for the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s United Progressive Alliance (UPS) government since it was formed a little over three years ago.
On the other hand, US central bank shocked global markets last night, saying the credit crunch that had sent stock markets reeling around the world was now threatening US economic growth.
TENSION prevailed in Nandigram following the lobbing of bombs in the area bordering Khejuri today. Police confirmed that no one was injured in the incident. A large contingent of police was deployed in the area on Thursday. On Wednesday, CPI(M) activists, coming from Khejuri, had beaten up four Trinamool Congress supporters at Bhimkata village in Nandigram. The TMC organised a rally to protest.
Street drama ~ mocking the police action on farmers at Nandigram, Singur and Khammam ~ staged in Bankura on the Independence Day caused sensation and the performers were charged with insulting the national flag. Eleven office-bearers and performers of the play were arrested by the police and were produced in the district court today. The artistes, poets and composers criticised the police action and termed it as interference with creative works.
The ‘Silpi Sanskritik Karmi, Buddhijibi Mancha’ was performing a play titled Swadhinata Divas Anandadayak Na Lajjajanak during the Independence Day celebrations yesterday. The group staged street shows at 19 locations in the town. They staged the play in front of the offices of the DM and SP and near the district office of the CPI-M at Schooldanga. The police and the the Intelligence bureau personnel were keeping an eye on the each show. The attack on Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin was also featured in the plays.
At Machantala, the police finally stopped the show and arrested the performers and the organisers when the drama was at peak and a nude boy was seen carrying the Tricolour. The SP, Mr Rajesh Singh, said the national flag code prevented carrying the flag in nude. They were booked under sections 2 of the IPC.
Government on Wednesday said it has extended by one year the in-principle approval to Reliance Industries' Maha Mumbai SEZ but asked the promoters to cut the size of the zone to 5,000 hectares in line with the new rules.
Besides, the Commerce Ministry has also asked Mukesh Ambani-owned RIL to ensure that the land acquisition for the project must be done with the consent of the owners and no compulsory acquisition is done by the state government.
"The issue was not required to be brought to the Board of Approval and was processed by the Commerce Ministry," Commerce Secretary GK Pillai told reporters in New Delhi.
He made it clear that RIL has to bring down the size of the project to 5,000 hectares. As per the earlier in-principle clearance which expired this week, the SEZ was proposed to be set up on 10,000 hectares.
But the government has since amended the SEZ rules as decided by a Group of Ministers in April this year to reduce the size of zones after widespread protests in the country.
Meanwhile,Heavy rains shut down schools and disrupted transport in the eastern Indian city of Kolkata on Friday, as bad weather hit relief supplies to victims of one of the worst floods in the region in years.Hundreds of thousands of people have been left homeless or marooned across densely populated eastern India and Bangladesh due to flooding since mid-July. More than 870 people have died.The misery of flood victims in some areas has been made worse by a poor relief effort, with people rioting over lack of aid in the Indian states of West Bengal and Bihar.Shops in Kolkata, capital of West Bengal, did not open on Friday as torrential rains pounded the city for a third day, and waterlogged streets kept most people at home. Many trains were also delayed.
Flood victims fought off hungry animals and battled waterborne diseases in South Asia on Thursday as unrelenting monsoon rains caused fresh flooding in the region, already battered by weeks of bad weather.Authorities across South Asia -- where around 850 people have drowned, been crushed by landslides or died from snakebite and waterborne infections since mid-July -- said they were struggling to help millions of victims.
Veteran communist Jyoti Basu played down the government spat
"We have said that we are not satisfied. But we do not want to topple the government as it would pave the way for the communal BJP to come to power," Mr Basu told reporters in Calcutta.
The leftists seem to be faced by two arch enemies - the US and the arch rival Bharatiya Janata Party. The leftists cannot afford to appear in league with either of them.
Keeping this predicament in mind, Mr Singh took a calculated risk and delivered his master stroke last week, daring the leftists to withdraw support from the government.
He knows that however aggressive their stance, they cannot afford to bring down the government.
The leftist leaders kept quiet about their meeting with Mr Singh but the PM decided to make his views public.
In the Calcutta-based Telegraph, Mr Singh said: "I told them that it is not possible to renegotiate the deal. It is an honourable deal, the cabinet has approved it; we cannot go back on it. I told them to do what they want to do, if they want to withdraw support, so be it."
This appears a well thought-out demonstration by the otherwise amiable and soft-spoken prime minister of his assertiveness and ability to deal with his allies.
Thailand and India are engaged in negotiations to conclude a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) covering trade in goods by 2010. The FTA covering trade in goods would lead to long term mutual benefits in trade and investment and the partnership would be expanded further to cover technology know-how and expertise. However, the FTA seems to have reached difficult juncture, as India is not keen on eliminating import tariffs as sought by Thailand on several chemical and petrochemical items under the proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between the two countries.
Thailand has sought complete tariff elimination on as many as 28 items after the FTA comes into forces. Only silicon dioxide, among these 28 items is not being produced in India. All the other items including organic chemicals, inorganic chemicals and dyestuffs are being produced in substantial quantities and totally catered to domestic markets. In addition, Thailand has also asked for tariff reduction to 5% by 2010 on phenol and dextrin.
The chemicals and petrochemicals ministry is of the opinion that these items are being manufactured in India in large quantities. The ministry also feels that negotiations of the FTA should be carried out in the context of the recently notified policy on petroleum and petrochemical investment regions (PCPIR). Any duty reduction from the current level of 5% on major polymers and plastic processed articles, as sought by Thailand.
As the Government scrambled to allay Left concerns on the Indo-US nuclear deal — Parliamentary Affairs Minister P R Dasmunsi said the concerns were “serious and genuine” and the “government was committed to address all grey areas” — two key members of the CPM politburo, which is meeting tomorrow, said that their party would not bring down the government over the issue.
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CPI’s A B Bardhan, however, kept the pressure on the government, saying withdrawal of support to the ruling coalition appeared “inevitable”, that the “honeymoon (with UPA) is over” and the Left will not hesitate to “file divorce papers if it comes to that”.
But Biman Bose, chairman of West Bengal’s ruling Left Front and state CPM secretary, told reporters in Kolkata: “Our policy is not to pull down the government but work for change in the policies of the government which are not in national interest.”
“It is gossip and seems to have no real basis,” he said in response to a query whether there was possibility of withdrawal of support by the CPM.
Bose even said that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh should learn from the Left Front in West Bengal how a coalition government is run. “We are running a coalition government here for seven consecutive terms. The Prime Minister is yet to complete one term of heading a coalition government.”
Speaking on CNN-IBN, CPM’s Sitaram Yechury said withdrawal of support was not the party’s focus. “The question is not that we are withdrawing support or not. The issue is of not operationalising the deal.”
According to Yechury, withdrawal of support was not a guarantee that the deal with the US would not be operationalised. Any future government, he said, may be tied by the agreement. “The point is our interest lies in the interest of India which the present deal does not have,” he said.
The statements by the two leaders assume significance in the context of the meetings of the politburo and the central secretariat of the CPI.
Bardhan, meanwhile, told Times Now TV that the points of view of the government and the Left on the nuclear deal were “irreconcilable”. He said the Prime Minister has to “stop operationalising” the deal to save his government.
Asked what if the PM refused to do so, Bardhan said “then I don’t see how it (withdrawal of support) can be stopped.”
He said the Left had the right to pull down the government any time if it felt the coalition was not serving its purpose.
India - the great democracy gap
Poor children eke a living in the streets of Mumbai (Pic: Jess Hurd/ » reportdigital.co.uk)
Making money in the Mumbai stock exchange (Pic: Jess Hurd/ » reportdigital.co.uk)
Sixty years after independence India is being ravaged by neoliberalism and increasingly divided between rich and poor, writes activist Meena Menon
Sixty years ago on 15 August 1947, India was handed over by its British rulers to be governed by the political medley called the Congress Party – ending over 170 years of colonial rule.
Since then, a fledgling nation with hardly any claim to the conventional concept of nationhood has belied the scepticism of many schools of political thought and emerged as a distinct entity with political and economic ambitions of its own.
India is seeing rapid changes in terms of its priorities and economic policy. It is becoming more ambitious and aggressive – regionally and globally. Indian democracy has its own distinctive political flavour – bewilderingly diverse, chaotic, often anarchic.
The country also has abject poverty living cheek by jowl with immense wealth. Three quarters of the population at the bottom have been hidden under an enormous invisibility cloak in the “great Indian success story”.
At the same time, the “great Indian middle class” – which once played a progressive role during the independence movement – has settled down to enjoy the fruits of an economic boom, with more money to spend and buy.
A strange mix of Jawaharlal Nehru inspired socialism and Mahatma Gandhi style morality guided Indian policy priorities during the first few years after independence.
People were at the centre of policy, at least in theory – even if this was not always evident in practice.
These policies resulted in a strong public sector, an attempt to provide government-run social services, and regulation of the private sector and investment. But all this changed in 1991 when a new phase began – one of liberalisation and “opening up” the economy.
http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/art.php?id=12784
Amnesty International to support Tribal Rights Act
Amnesty International is observing International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples : 9 August 2007 to support the urgent demands for adivasi/indigenous peoples right to full implementation of The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights)Act, 2006, to a life free of the threat of evictions and displacement, and the release of humanrights defenders.
These demands have come to a head due to the case of Narmada, Kashipur, Singur, Kalinganangar,Nandigram, Chhatisgarh, Rewa and many more, where state repression of movements and their leaders; culture of torture, unlawful killings and impunity have been continuously carried on in the name of development and ‘national’ interest.
On this day, in the cities of Delhi (New Delhi), Kolkata, Durgapur, Jalpaiguri and Purulia (West Bengal), Jalna, and Aurangabad (Maharashtra), Coimbatore (Tamil Nadu), Palakkad and Cochin (Kerela), Hyderabad (Andhra Pradesh), Poonch (J&K), Mohali and Nawashar (Punjab), Banda, Amroha, Moradabad, Ghaziabad (Uttar Pradesh), Jamshedpur, Madhupur and Dhanbad (Jharkhand), Raipur and Durg (Chhatisgarh), Rourkela, Berhampur (Orissa), Lanka (Manipur), Pauri Garhwal (Uttaranchal) and in other places there will be seminars, round table meetings and press conferences, signature campaigns, silent marches and candle light protests.
In India, we are at a juncture where after a long struggle by adivasi groups and movements, The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, has been passed. The GOI while framing the Forest Rights Act has for the first time admitted the historic injustice done to adivasis. This Act is a result of collective struggles of Peoples’ and mass tribal organizations and movements. It draws out the individual and community rights of tenure, rights ofaccess, rights of ownership over forest, right to in situ rehabilitation including alternative land in the case of illegal eviction or displacement.
Firstly, the Act should be implemented fully and immediately. Secondly, the Draft Rule circulated by the Govt. should end its discrimination towards non-S.T populations who are mainly Adivasis (non scheduled in many states), Pastoral communities (O.B.Cs and Muslims) living in forest areas and are being demanded 75 years of proof of residence.
Thirdly, the powers of Gram Sabhas should not be diluted in the Rules while Forest Department is privileged. There are no mechanisms to protect adivasis/indigenous people from the Forest Department utilizing the situation to create divisions among the communities and perpetuating the process of ‘Historical Injustice’.
Fourthly, the concern is that the government’s ceaseless sanction of SEZs and other industrial projects in the adivasi heartland are bound to conflict with the bundle of rights conferred by the Act. This will force adivasis into confrontation with state, corporates, or any force that government may deem to use. Additionally, in most of the adivasi areas, the free and prior consent of people have not been sought for projects, compensations have not been fair, nor has rehabilitation by the state been legally assured in comprehensive and substantive manner.
In the light of this, we demand an end to further displacement in adivasi areas. Fifthly, adivasi leaders have been beaten, detained, rearrested when released by the court, rallies have been disrupted by corporate sector goondas, adivasi/indigenous women have been sexually assaulted with little action taken against this by the government against perpetrators. These extra-legal activities are having a toll on the right to life, freedom of expression and freedom of association, in adivasi/indigenous areas.
To ensure that adivasi/indigenous people’s rights to life, forest, land and rehabilitation, life with dignity and human rights safeguards are assured in practice, SUPPORT the demands for implementing The Scheduled Tribes and OtherTraditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights)Act, 2006; demand to stop evictions and to release human rights defenders.
For more information
Amnesty International India
C-1/22, 1st floor, Safdarjung Development Area,
Hauz Khas, New Delhi—110016
Phones: 011-41642501, 268854763. E-mail:membership@amnesty.org.in, admin-in@amnesty.org
The Shape of a Slaughter
http://www.tehelka.com/story_main33.asp?filename=Cr250807The_shape.asp
In the last week of May, a group of concerned citizens called the All-India Citizens’ Initiative organised a Peoples’ Tribunal on Nandigram, whose report was recently submitted to the West Bengal Governor. The report sought to piece together an impartial account of events around the violence of March 14, in which 14 people were killed and hundreds injured. An extract
People in Nandigram knew the police would enter their area on March 14. According to several depositions before the Tribunal, the Bhumi Uched Pratirodh Committee (bupc) met on the night of March 13 and decided:
» To mobilise people to come for a Puja and Koran reading session at the two sites where the police would have to cross the cut in the roads, or ‘bund’, made by protesting villagers;
» To use women and children as a shield, on the assumption that the police would not open fire on women and children.
Puja and Namaz Ceremonies on the 14th Morning
From the depositions, two kinds of narratives emerge about how people were mobilised. In one group, people say:
a. “No one forced us, no one brought us. The leaders called us, so we came.”
b. “It is our land which we don’t want to give up, naturally we came.”
The implication of these statements is that they knew the dangers of participating in the mobilisation.
In another group, people say:
a. “The leaders called us, so we came; they told us to bring water and extra cloth with us to soothe our eyes as gas might be used.”
b. “We assumed the police wouldn’t fire on women.”
c. “We were taken aback when the firing started.”
In a few depositions of this group, there is a complaint that the bupc leaders assured them that nothing harmful would happen, and did not take responsibility after the carnage.
In all depositions, even in the critical ones, there is the general feeling: “It is our land, and we had to save it.” But, many people were not taken into confidence regarding the full danger, and the bupc leaders also could not gauge the extent to which the administration would go. There is no evidence of coercion but there was a definite tendency to bring people to the appointed place by playing down the dangers. The massing of women was a part of the plan to stop the police from firing.
How the Police Firing Started
On March 14, 2007, at around 9.30am, hundreds of policemen gathered at two entry points into Nandigram — one from the Tekhali Bridge, Gokulnagar, Adhikaripara, and the other from the side of Bhangabera Bridge, near Sonachura. Apart from the policemen, local leaders and cadres of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) were also present.
The deponents claim that the people were peaceful. Only one deponent says there was stone throwing by boys and girls. There is no evidence of the carriage of any arms by the villagers.
There was an announcement by the police party asking the villagers to allow them to repair the ‘bund’. The people replied that they would undertake this work themselves. There was very little dialogue over this issue and very soon the police went on the offensive. One deposition refers to stone throwing by boys and girls.
groundview
» The People’s Tribunal on Nandigram was set up by a group of concerned citizens from around the country and headed by Justice SN Bhargava
» Hearings were held over May 26 and 27 at Nandigram and on May 28 in Kolkata
» The Tribunal received 39 oral and 135 written depositions in Nandigram and 20 in Kolkata from the victims of the March 14 violence
» The Tribunal noted, among its other findings, a pervasive sense of fear, insecurity and mistrust of the State machinery at Nandigram. At the same time, however, there was also a fierce resolve not to part with land
The police fired tear gas and immediately followed with bullets and rubber bullets, chased the people, mostly women and children, hitting out with lathis and iron rods, and firing. They were chased, and many were caught and mercilessly beaten, with sexual assault, including rape.
The lack of parleying seems to suggest that the carnage caused by police firing on the retreating masses, mainly of women and children, was pre-planned.
The depositions also clearly bring out that police went on firing after the people started to flee and that they were not firing towards the legs.
The police behaviour was brutal. According to one deposition, Uttam Pal, after being shot down, was asking for water. Policemen spat on his face and beat up those trying to give him water.
Several depositions before the Tribunal accused policemen of rape.
There are other such depositions and there is the obvious possibility that shame has kept some more from making open accusations. Apart from rape, many women have deposed about being stripped, and about molestation (the breasts being frequent targets), indecent exposure, and filthy language.
One deponent accuses policemen of having slashed her breasts. Several accuse policemen of forcing rods/lathis/gun barrels into the sex organ and turning the insert in some cases.
The evidence definitely points towards serious sexual assault, including rape, by policemen.
People’s Tribunal on Nandigram
26-28 May 2007
Report
Presented to
Sri Gopal Krishna Gandhi
The Governor of West Bengal
An All India Citizens Initiative
45 Beniatola Lane, 3rd Floor,
Office of Janaswasthya Swaadhikar Mancha
Kolkata-700009
August 8 2007
2
A Note about this Report
All attempts have been made by the All India Citizen’s Initiative, within the constraints of
resources available and prevailing circumstances, to collect factual information
regarding the situation in Nandigram and its consequences. Despite this if there are
biases and discrepancies in the conduct of the Tribunal, the responsibility is solely ours
i.e. that of the organizers. We see our efforts as an attempt at impartial inquiry into the
violent incidents in Nandigram and establishing the truth about what really happened in
Nandigram in the interests of ensuring justice to all victims of severe human rights
violations there.
All India Citizens Initiative,
45 Beniatola Lane, 3nd Floor,
Office of Jana Swasthya Swaadhikar Mancha
Kolkata-700009
3
Justice S.N.Bhargava 20/46 , Ambedkar Marg, Renu Path
Former Judge Rajasthan High Court Mansarovar, Jaipur - 302020
Former Chief Justice Sikkim High Court Phone: 0141-2390304
Former Chairperson Assam Human Rights Commission Mob: 9414044461
Former Chairperson Manipur Human Rights Commission
Past District Governor Rotary International Dist. 3050
H.E. Gopal Krishna Gandhi
Governor of West Bengal
Raj Bhavan
Kolkata 8 August 2007
Dear Mr Gandhi
I am writing to you as Chairperson of the People’s Tribunal on Nandigram
organised by the All India Citizens’ Initiative from 26-28 May 2007.
The Tribunal received 39 oral and 135 written depositions from the victims of the
violent events of 14 March 2007 at public hearings held at Gokulnagar and
Sonachura in Nandigram and 20 depositions in Kolkata.
Based on these depositions and our own investigations the jury members of the
Tribunal have prepared a detailed report on the background, causes and
consequences of such violence in Nandigram and surrounding areas.
On behalf of all jury members of the People’s Tribunal I am pleased to submit
this report to you for your kind perusal and any action, as you see appropriate.
Apart from analysis of evidence presented before the Tribunal the report also
contains findings and recommendations of the jury. The recommendations are
aimed at relevant state authorities to be taken up for immediate action,
particularly in the context of the worsening humanitarian situation on the relief
and medical front among ordinary people in Nandigram.
I sincerely hope this report, through its contents, documentation of evidence and
suggestions for action will contribute to improving the current situation in
Nandigram and help bring about both peace and justice to the people of the area.
Thanking you
With best wishes,
S.N.Bhargava
4
Dedicated To
The Victims of Human Rights Violation Everywhere
5
CONTENTS:
Foreword
Introduction
Executive Summary
Chapter One: Background
- West Bengal
- Special Economic Zones
- Nandigram
- History of Nandigram
Chapter Two: Chronology of Events
Chapter Three: Incidents of 14-16 March 2007
Chapter Four: Medical Response
Chapter Five: Response of Administration
Chapter Six: Some Typical Cases for Legal Action
Chapter Seven: Findings and Recommendations
End Notes
Annexures in CD-RoM
Annexure–A-1-Depositions in People’s Tribunal on Nandigram
Annexure-A-2: Copy of the Affidavits submitted to Balbir Ram’s Enquiry Commission
Annexure-A-3: Copies of the depositions at Balbir Ram’s Enquiry Commission
Annexure-A-4: Copies of Medical Documents
Annexure-A-5: Statements of eminent persons & organizations
Annexure-A-6: Interim Report of the Tribunal dated 28.5.07
Annexure-B: Copies of the documents for Endnotes
Annexure-C: Calcutta High Court’s Own Petition
Annexure-D: Petition of Bar Association of Calcutta High Court
Annexure-E: Affidavit submitted by Govt. of West Bengal
Annexure-F: Shramajibi Swasthya Udyog Report
Annexure-G: Nandigram Swasthya Udyog Report
Annexure-H: APDR Report
Annexure-I: APDR Report Part-II
Annexure-J: MASUM report
Annexure-K: Copy of the names from Nandigram Hospital Register (14-16 March 2007)
Annexure-L: Youth Volunteers of Child Rights & You Report
Annexure-M: Forum of Artistes, Cultural Activists & Intellectuals
Annexure-N: Submission of Citizens’ Solidarity report
Annexure-O: Submission of Little Magazine Samanyay (Prosthuti) Committee
Annexure-P: Report of Amra Iekti Sachetan Prayaash)
Annexure-Q: Kunal Chattopadhyay & others’ submission
Annexure-R: Education Network report
Annexure-S: Copies of Ahalya publications
Annexure-T: Dibakar Bhattacharya’s statement
Annexure-U: Abhijit Guha’s submission
Annexure-V: Background on Singur
Annexure-W: Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharya’s speech in the Assembly on 15.3.07
Annexure-X: Documentary Film on Nandigram submitted by Pramod Gupta
6
FOREWORD
It was the developments around the Tata Group’s acquisitions at Singur that first began to
draw national attention to the issue of land acquisition for industrial purposes in West
Bengal. And it should have alerted us that this marked a drastic departure from earlier
CPI (M) positions on acquisition of land for corporate interests. There were mixed
messages though emanating from the CPI (M) itself outside the state of Bengal – where
they were joining hands and raising voices against SEZ in many areas.
It was therefore with a sense of total disbelief and shock that we watched and listened and
read reports of the unfolding tragedy of Nandigram – especially after 14 March 2007. We
were flooded with emails, often with conflicting accounts of the death toll, of missing and
wounded, of sexual harassment – and the media’s hyper intensive reportage did nothing
to help or clarify our concerns and confusion.
Several groups, at different times, have actually visited the area, reconstructed the
sequence and chronology of events, and spoken to the affected people. Their reports have
been painstakingly compiled by the Secretariat of the All India Citizens’ Initiative.
However, given the complex nature of local politics – and the high profile stand off
between the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the CPI (M) – which subsumed many
urgent issues affecting people and the violence, which was visited upon them, it was felt
that it might be useful to put together an independent Peoples Tribunal on Nandigram.
And it is as part of this group that I had the opportunity to spend three days in Kolkota
and Gokul Nagar and Sonachura of Nandigram Block.
THE DEPOSITIONS
Although the hearings were initially programmed to take place in Gokul Nagar Primary
School – given the large number of witnesses who came forward to depose and the
limitations of time – it was decided to divide the Jury into two sections on the second day
– with one group continuing at Gokul Nagar and the other at Sonachura – near the now
infamous Bhangabhera bridge leading to Khejuri.
During the course of the two days the members of the Jury had occasion to listen to
depositions by a large number of men and women from the area. Due to shortage of time,
a large number of depositions were also provided by the victims in writing.
Here is a brief summary of the main issues that surfaced from the verbal and written
depositions, which were presented:
1. Continuing feelings of fear and insecurity – and total mistrust of police,
government officials, and above all, of the party cadres – many of whom –
according to almost each eye witness had worn police uniform and
participated in the violence of the 14 March.
7
2. We were struck by the closeness between the two major communities from
this region – namely Hindu and Muslim. This was exemplified in the
numerous accounts that described how both communities had jointly planned
to hold the peace puja/namaaz upon hearing of the projected visit and ‘cleanup’
action by the police to their area on the 14 March.
3. While the actual number of deaths might have been limited to 14 – there were
a very large number of wounded and injured – primarily bullet wounds, iron
rods and lathi charge injuries. Witness after witness spoke of merciless
brutality of the police – and especially of people who were apparently party
cadre dressed in police uniform whom they identified because `they were in
chappals as opposed to the boots worn by the regulars’.
4. A significant number of the bullet wounds seemed to have been caused by
firing from the back – while the crowd was running away.
5. We examined several medical/discharge slips from the local hospitals at
Nandigram, Tamluk and Kolkota – there is not a single mention of injuries
being caused by bullets, except in two cases. It was difficult not to draw
conclusions as to the obvious linkages between the police, and the district
medical and other authorities – all of whom apparently were covering up the
true nature, cause and the extent of the violence.
6. Perhaps the most shocking aspect of the attacks on the villagers were the
repeated allegations and accounts of the deliberate acts of sexual assault,
including rape and other forms of unspeakable brutality. That women were
prepared to speak in public about what they had been through – as in the
case of forty year old Chhabi Rani Mondal of Adhikaripara in Gokul Nagar
who had an iron rod pushed into her vagina after severe lathi beatings – is
testimony to their anger and despair.
7. Missing Children – this seems to be a grey area. Individual testimonies
spoke of attacks on children – and many children who had disappeared. But
it was difficult to find hard evidence – and it would be useful if a group
could follow up on this more systematically.
8. In response to questions regarding whether they had filed FIRs or other form
of complaint – for the most part there was a clear evidence of total lack of any
faith or trust in the police, or indeed in the system – since it would be
tantamount to seeking help from the perpetrators. Many women referred to the
police as `man-eaters’ and challenged us on the tribunal to answer the
question how could they ever be expected to go to register complaints against
those who had tortured and abused them.
9. To date, from all accounts, there has been no government compensation – and
whatever little they have received has been from a fe