Premchand Fielded to Defend capitalist Development and Urbanistaion
Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan is the common theme of Post Modern manusmriti Galaxy Order
Palash Biswas
Contact: Palash C Biswas, C/O Mrs Arati Roy, Gosto Kanan, Sodepur, Kolkata- 700110, India. Phone: 91-033-25659551
Email: alashbiswaskl@gmail.com">palashbiswaskl@gmail.com
Marxists ruling West Bengal noe fields Munshi Premchand to defend its brnd Buddha Capitalist development! While Bengali speaking writers and artists, led by Mahashweta Devi, Aparna Sen, Joy Gaswami, Bibhash Chakrabarti, Shaoli Mitra,Jaya Mitra, Sumit Sarkar, Sunanda sanyal, stand strongly with Peasant Uprising in Singur and Nandigram, CPIM party org Janwadi Lekhak Sangh and
CPI supporter Pragatyisheel Lekhak Sangh drags Munshi Premchand to defend indiscriminate land aquisition for urbanisation and industrilisation. These so called Brahminical Progressive and Marxist writers organised seminars in Kolkata focusing on topics like Premchand and industrialisation, Premchand and Development,etc. Now, you get new explaination of Godan and Rangbhoomi. Whoever has been used to know Premchand as a classical Hindi writer representing common man, subalterns and Rural India, has to correct his vision in accordance with post modern Marxist Aesthetics!
I remeber those days when during our student life we had to struggle to get realistic or Marxist analysis of Premchand Sahitya. Nanddulare Vajpayee dismissed him. Dr Ram Bilas Paswan and Dr Ram Chandra Shukla neglected him. We only got something written by Dr Shivdan Singh Chowhan to satisfy us.
I remeber the endevour of Aligargh University team comprising Dr Kuanwar Pal Singh, Dr Bharat Singh and Dr Namita Singh to get progressive focus on Premchand. Little mag `Uttarardha’ editor Savyasachi contributed much to initiate fresh debate on Premchand. I am refernig the Emergency period only.
Marxists only recognised Premchand just after Satyajit Ray made a feature film on Premchand`s story, `Shatranj ke Khilari’. As soon as `sadgati’ (Styajit Ray) and `Kafan’(Mrinal Sen) were translated in celluloid, marxists all over the country launched Premchand as a desi Marxist Icon, who always favoured the dalits and Sarvhara!
In fact, Marxists tried to include all popular mainstream writers among Dalit writers on this Premchand avenue! History of literature was rewritten. In Bengal. we came to know that Rabindra Nath Tagore, Tara Shankar Bandopadhyaya, Bibhuti Bhushan Bandopadhyaya, Sharat chattopadhyaya, Manik Bandopadhyaya, Mahashweta devi to bhagirath Mishra and ram kumar mukhopadhyaya - everyone has been writing for Dalits. All these writers never accepted the reality of caste system. Some of them favoured class struggle denying Casteology.
CPIM also tried to launch its brand of Dalit Movement with pet dalit buroeucrates and intellegentsia under the leadership of brahmins. Birth Anniversaries of Ambedkar and Jagjivan Ram funded by WB govt are now in vogue. committees, coordination committes, mags, seminars, research papers everything came as a fashion with single point orientation to disassociate jogendra Nath Mandal, Harichand Thakur, Guruchand Thakur and dalit masses from the so called Dalit Movement. Marxists ministers and MPs as well as MLAs cooperated !
This happened everywhere countrywide to negate Dalit movement as well as dalit sahitya.
Reaction from the Dalits were spontaneous and they at a point declared Premchand an anti Dalit Writer!
Left is involved in the same game of brahminical supremacy in every sphere of life as the fascist Sangh Parivar has been doing with the slogan: Hindi, Hindu Hindustan!
In fact, Left as well as Right which comprises the Indian comrador Ruling Class uses Language, literature, art and religion with a single point agenda: Post Modern Manusmriti galaxy Order!
The ruling class do picnic countrywide and abroad with spouses, friends and relatives, supporters on the name of Hindi! We tax payers have to pay for their ambitious publicity and entertainment. Hindi as official language is quite unsuccessful to dislodge English on the one hand and on the other all other Indian languages have been neglected altogether deepenin the Nationality Crisis as well depicted in Norteast, Kashmir and southern states! Thanks to Bollywood films that Hindi remains the most popular ling language amongst the masses all over India. Ironically, those who make money out of Hindi Promotion campaign and funding, plan outlay- they eventually promote English. They deny the eighty percent majority people all the opportunities of empowerment and English education. While the Englih knowing Knowledge monopoly of the Brahminical Classes helped them not only Sttate power but aalmighty supremacy in life and livelihood.
We know how the marxists denied English education to commoners and how their children got convent education!
It is tragic that the official language Hindi has damaged its dilects most. mind youthat the Rural peasantry and the dalits in particular speaks these dilects!
Hindi region of the Indian subcontinent
This region includes the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Delhi, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chandigarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand. Some people, such as the Government of India (while taking census) regard all the languages spoken in these states to be "mother tongues" of Hindi (barring tribal languages). Tiwari ([1966] 2004) lists them under five groups:
Western Hindi (the speech varieties developed from Sauraseni):
Khari boli (???? ????) or Sarhindi or Kauravi, originally spoken in western Uttar Pradesh (the districts of Saharanpur, Muzaffarnagar, Meerut, Ghaziabad, Bijnor, Rampur and Moradabad, and district of Dehradun in Uttarakhand) and the Delhi region; the dialect that forms the basis of modern Standard Hindi and Urdu. It is understood and/or spoken throughout the Indian subcontinent, from Afghanistan and the borders of Iran to the borders of Burma[citation needed]. It is the almost the lingua franca of the Indian subcontinent, irrespective of political boundaries or official policies. This is not a great difference between the dialects of Khari-boli and Hindustani.
Braj Bhasha (???? ????), spoken in south-central Uttar Pradesh, in the districts of Mathura, Agra, Aligarh, Hathras, Dhaulpur, Mainpuri, Etah, Badaun and Bareilly. It has a rich poetic and literal tradition, especially linked with the Hindu divinity Krishna.
Hariyanvi (???????), spoken in the state of Haryana.
Bundeli (????????), the speech varieties of the districts of Jhansi, Jalaun and Hamirpur in Uttar Pradesh and Gwalior, Bhopal, Sagar, Chhatarpur, Narsinghpur, Seoni, Hoshangabad, etc. in Madhya Pradesh.
Kannauji (???????), the dialect of the districts of Etawah, Farrukhabad, Shahjahanpur, Kanpur, Hardoi and Pilibhit in Uttar Pradesh.
Eastern Hindi (the speech varieties developed from Ardhamagadhi)
Awadhi (????), spoken in central and parts of eastern Uttar Pradesh, in the districts of Allahabad, Fatehpur, Mirzapur, Unnao, Raebareli, Sitapur, Faizabad, Gonda, Basti, Bahraich, Sultanpur, Pratapgarh and Barabanki. The famous Hindu scripture Ramcharitmanas was written by Tulsidas in this dialect.
Bagheli (?????), spoken in the districts of Rewa, Nagod, Shahdol, Satna, Maihar, etc. in Madhya Pradesh.
Chattisgarhi (??????????), spoken mostly in the recently created state of Chhattisgarh
Rajasthani, Malwi, Pahari languages and Bihari languages are considered as dialects of Hindi by the Indian census of 1991. In 2003, Maithili (Bihari) gained the status of an independent official language.
These are usually classified as separate languages by the linguists, belonging to the Western, Northern and Eastern zones of Indo-Aryan.
Depending upon perceptions, people also include various other dialects under Hindi, such as Nimari, Baiswari, Vajjika, Angika, etc.[citation needed]
MUNSHI PREMCHAND : THE GREAT NOVELIST
A pioneer of modern Hindi and Urdu social fiction, Munshi Premchand’s real name was Dhanpat Rai. He wrote nearly 300 stories and novels. Among his best known novels are: Sevasadan, Rangmanch, Gaban, Nirmala and Godan. Much of Premchand’s best work is to be found among his 250 or so short stories, collected in Hindi under the title Manasarovar.Three of his novels have been made into films.Premchand’s literary career started as a freelancer in Urdu.
http://pib.nic.in/feature/feyr2001/fjul2001/f190720011.html
By V.B.Rawat
Saturday, May 13, 2006
Premchand is one of the finest storywriter of India, whose writings are very much close to the grave realities of rural India, where caste and gender discriminations were rampant. He wrote at a period when Gandhiji was not only leading a decisive battle against the British Raj but also working on removal of untouchability and communal politics perpetrated by the Hindu Mahasabha as well as Muslim League.
Hindi literature was never as open to caste and gender inequalities as Premchand enriched it through his writings. Most of the writers like Pratap Narain Mishra, Ramchandra Shukla, Bhartendu Harishchandra and others came from upper caste background and rarely mentioned issue of discrimination in their subject. Prior to them, it was either bhakti, which dominated Hindi literature. There was rarely an issue of discrimination and biases in the Bhakti except for the strong voices of Kabir and Rahim. Both of them were systematically ousted and sidelined by the brahmanical kshatraps of literature despite their enormous popularity among the masses. Both Kabir and Rahim did not fit in Hindutva's saffronisation process. Other than them, the authors were content with sophistry of Sanskritised Hindi though Bhartendu's writings were linked to common man as he tried to instill 'national pride' in the form of growth of your own language and literature. Yet, Premachand was different from his generations of writers. May be one reason for that was his close linkage with Urdu. Most of the Urdu stalwarts those days were the outcome of glorious Ganga-Jamuni tehjib of United Province. In terms of Hindu Muslim relationship, there was not much difference. Muslim Zamindars and Hindu Talukdars were secular in their oppression towards the marginalized. Therefore, the authors and writers from this stream were more focused on communal amity and rarely raised the issue of feudalism and caste oppression. This secular class in Hindu and Muslim came from upper elite of Indian society. One reason for the growth of Ganga-Jamuni tehjeeb was that Shia Nawabs who ruled India depended heavily on Hindu bureaucracy which was predominantly Kayastha. That was the reason that despite being Kayastha, Premchand understood the dynamics of communalism and came to be known as progressive writer. Later, the influence of Gandhi is found very well in all his writings. Yet, Premachand caste characters do not do justice to his narratives. Therefore, it would not be unfair to say that Premchand used stereotyped image of Dalits and day today idioms used against them in the Hindi heartland to strengthen the plots of his stories. In this way, rather than helping the cause he might well have hurt the issue of Dalits awakening in the Hindi heartland. The fact is that no Dalit awakening ever seems to matter for Premchand otherwise that would have been reflected in his writings.
No doubt credit should go to Premchand for bringing these issues in his popular writings yet they don't make him a revolutionary writer. Many Dalit writers had complained about Premchand for being rhetorical and insensitive to Dalit issue and blamed him for lumpunisation of Dalit characters, particularly citing the example of his story ' Kafan'. Thereafter, many upper caste 'experts' joined in a dabate blaming the Dalits for being caste mind and 'insulting' an author who brought Dalit issue in Hindi literature. That might be true that Premchand brought Dalit's character in Hindi writing but question here is in what form?
Time has changed and so has Dalit movement. There was a time when very few of the Dalit writers were involved in writings. Today, there is a new breed of Dalit writers challenging the upper caste mindset and their creations. In fact, writers like Om Prakash Valmiki and Suraj Pal Chauhan have challenged the brahmanical hegemony in story telling. It is a good sign of a vibrant Dalit writing, which was thoroughly absent from the Hindi heartland that new writers are emerging and so are new movement of different communities relating to their history, culture and assertion. Let me be clear here that Dalits writing has been very effective and powerful in Marathi, Telugu, Tamil, Malayalam and Bangali. Great saints like Namdev, Tukaram, Ayankalli, Ayotidas, Ambedkar and at later stage likes of Daya Panwar, Namdev Dhasaal have made a solid name for them. It is ironical that in the Hindi heartland such things remained absent but after the political mainstreamification of Dalits in the form of Bahujan politics, a large number of new writers have up with their superb narratives and description. This shows that there is an ambition among them to come up and challenge the brahmanical hegemony.
http://www.freeindiamedia.com/guest_column/22_may_06.html
Official languages of India
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As a large and linguistically diverse country, India does not have a single official language. Instead, the Constitution of India envisages a situation where each state has its own official language(s), in addition to the official languages to be used by the Union government. The section of the Constitution of India dealing with official languages therefore includes detailed provisions[1] which deal not just with the languages used for the official purposes of the union,[2] but also with the languages that are to be used for the official purposes of each state and union territory in the country,[3] and the languages that are to be used for communication between the union and the states inter se.[4]
At the time the constitution entered into force, English was used for most official purposes both at the federal level and in the various states. The constitution envisaged the gradual phasing in of local languages, principally Hindi, to replace English over a fifteen-year period, but gave Parliament the power to, by law, provide for the continued use of English even thereafter. Accordingly, English continues to be used today, in combination with Hindi (at the central level and in some states) and other languages (at the state level).
The legal framework governing the use of languages for official purpose currently includes the Constitution, the Official Languages Act, 1963, Official Languages (Use for Official Purpose of the Union) Rules, 1976, and various state laws, as well as rules and regulations made by the central government and the states.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_national_languages_of_India
Munshi Premchand
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Munshi Premchand (July 31, 1880 - October 8, 1936) (pen name: Premchand) was one of the greatest literary figures of modern Hindi and Urdu literature.
Contents [hide]
1 Biography=
1.1 Writing style
1.2 Films based on Premchand's work
1.2.1 Films and TV serials
1.3 Literary works
1.3.1 Famous stories
1.3.2 Novels
1.4 External links
[edit] Biography=
Premchand (Hindi: ????????, Urdu: ???????),whose original name was Dhanpat Rai Srivastava, was born in Lamahi near Varanasi where his father was a clerk in the post office. Premchand's parents died young - his mother when he was seven and his father while he was fourteen and still a student. Premchand was left responsible for his step-mother and step-siblings.
Early in life, Premchand faced immense poverty. He earned five rupees a month tutoring a lawyer's child. Premchand passed his matriculation exam with great effort and took up a teaching position, with a monthly salary of eighteen rupees. Later, Premchand worked as the deputy sub-inspector of schools in what was then the United Provinces.
In 1910, he was hauled up by the District Magistrate in Jamirpur for his anthology of short stories Soz-e-Watan (Dirge of the Nation), which was labelled seditious. The first story of the anthology was Duniya ka Sabse Anmol Ratan (The Most Precious Jewel in the World), which according to him was "the last drop of blood shed in the cause of the country's freedom". All the copies of Soz-e-Watan were confiscated and burnt. Initially Premchand wrote in Urdu under the name of Nawabrai. However, after the confiscation of Soz-e-Watan. he started writing under the pseudonym Premchand. Before Premchand, Hindi literature consisted mainly of fantasy or religious works. Premchand brought realism to Hindi literature. He wrote over 300 stories, a dozen novels and two plays. The stories have been compiled and published as Maansarovar.
In 1921, he answered Mahatma Gandhi's call and resigned from his government job. Then he worked as the proprietor of a printing press, editor of literary and political journals (Jagaran and Hans). Briefly, he also worked as the script writer for the Bombay film world. He didn't think much of the film world and once remarked about film Mazdoor (The Labourer)- "The director is the all in all in cinema. The writer may be the king of his pen, but he is an ordinary subject in the director's empire...Idealism creeps into the plots I conceive and I am told there is no entertainment value in them."
Premchand's first marriage was a disaster. The second time, he married a child widow, Shivarani Devi, which was a considered a taboo in India at that time. Premchand had three children - Sripat Rai, Amrit Rai and Kamla Devi Srivastava.
Premchand lived a life of financial struggle. Once he took a loan of two-and-a-half rupees to buy some clothes. He had to struggle for three years to pay it back.
When asked why he doesn't write anything about himself, he answered: "What greatness do I have that I have to tell anyone about? I live just like millions of people in this country; I am ordinary. My life is also ordinary. I am a poor school teacher suffering family travails. During my whole lifetime, I have been grinding away with the hope that I could become free of my sufferings. But I have not been able to free myself from suffering. What is so special about this life that needs to be told to anybody?".
[edit] Writing style
The main characteristic of Premchand's writings is his interesting story-telling and use of simple language. His novels describe the problems of the rural peasant classes. He avoided the use of highly Sanskritized Hindi (as was the common practice among Hindi writers), but rather he used the dialect of the common people.
Premchand called literature a work that expresses the truths and experiences of life impressively. Presiding over the Progressive Writers' Conference in Lucknow in 1936, he said that attaching the word "Progressive" to writer was redundant, because "A writer or an artist is progressive by nature, if this was not his/her nature, he/she would not be a writer at all."
Before Premchand, Hindi literature was confined to the raja-rani (king and queen) tales, the stories of magical powers and other such escapist fantasies. It was flying in the sky of fantasy, until Premchand brought it on the grounds of reality. Premchand wrote on the realistic issues of the day - communalism, corruption, zamindari, debt, poverty, colonialism etc.
Some criticize Premchand's writings as full of too many deaths and too much of misery. They believe Premchand does not stand anywhere near contemporary literary giants of India - Sharat Chandra Chattopadhyay and Rabindranath Tagore. But it should be noted, that many of Premchand's stories were influenced by his own experiences with poverty and misery. His stories represented the ordinary Indian people as they were, without any embellishments. Unlike many other contemporary writers, his works didn't have any "hero" or "Mr. Nice" - they described people as they are.
Premchand was a contemporary of some other literary giants of that era like Acharya Ram Chandra Shukla and Jaishankar Prasad.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Munshi_Premchand
"I cannot operate computer, cannot use email either. I can only write and express my feelings through pen and paper. I am following the path of Premchand and Satyajit Ray to create awareness through my work," said Mahashweta Devi who has authored novels, 'hazaar Chaurasir Maa', 'Aranye Adhikar' and many more.
http://www.zeenews.com/articles.asp?aid=381511&sid=ENT&ssid=43
Communalism and its impact on India
1997 Montreal Lecture at CERAS
Prof. KN Panikkar
(Following is a summary of a lecture by the renowned historian KN Panikkar. He was invited by CERAS, a forum of south Asians committed to the defense of Secularism in the subcontinent and create awareness about south Asian issues among the people of North America. The following version of Prof. Panikkar's lecture is unauthorised and unofficial. We may replace it soon with a properly authorised version, checked by the author.--ed.)
I thank CERAS and thank you for providing me this opportunity to be with you this evening to raise certainn issues which I suppose are of common interest and concern. The sub-continent is in the process of celebrating 50 years of independence. These celebrations have diverse and different responses from different groups and agencies in different regions in the sub-continent. It is obviously not only a time for celebration for the people of India and Pakistan, but also a time for self-questioning, introspection and also critically looking at what happened during the last 50 years. I would say that such a process is taking place really intensively in India, symbolized by people in Parliament of India deciding to have a special session of 4 days to discuss about what happened in India during the last 50 years and the ways in which India will progress in the future.
One very forceful problem, very important one for Indians, for people of the sub-continent, to talk about and think about when looking to the future, is the problem of communalism, which is a common concern in the sub-continent as a whole. But before I get into a discussion of that, let me recall what happened about a month back in the sub-continent. Many of you I am sure would have heard about a very outstanding singer of the sub-continent, Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan. He passed away. When he passed away, the response in India, the reaction in India, was extremely touching. Perhaps it was equally if not more than the response in Pakistan, not only because he was responsible for giving music concerts and did music for several Indian films, but he was seen by the Indians as a cultural representative, cultural symbol of the sub-continent as a whole and he shared the perception of people in the sub-continent as a whole.
http://www.geocities.com/indianfascism/fascism/communalism.htm
The Dalit ‘Betrayal’ of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan
Karan Thapar of CNBC -TV18 recently presented a half-hour debate on whether Dalits have a better future adopting English rather than one of the so many Indian languages. Some of us followed it keenly because we knew where it was comig from and also the dramatis personae – Chandrabhan Prasad(CP), Yogendra Yadav(YY) and Alok Rai(AR) – all very dear friends, and people who have been deeply engaged with the politics and practice of languages in North India. It was a one-sided debate from the moment it started: clear victory to Chandrabhan Prasad from the word go, first of all, because he had managed to pitchfork his provocative stance into a full scale discussion in the national press and the big media. Think about it: it has taken him just three consecutive annual Macaulay’s birthday parties to friends, to bring it to the attention of a much wider number of intellectuals and a larger public. It was a victory for his own brand of Gandhigiri – that you could very much debate and advance your cause while having fun: ‘chicken, mutton, daaru and daliton ki kuchh samasyayein’ is his style, in his own inimitable words. This is not to say that he does not believe in agitational politics. He does that as well.The debate was also one-sided because CP’s interlocutors did not have convincing answers to his extremist views on language and religion and the coupling of the two, which had to inevitably sneak into the discussion, considering en mass dalit conversions were fresh in media memory. For example, when Karan Thapar probed CP on why he suggested Dalits take flight from Hindi and Hinduism; was it because he hated Hinduism? CP had perhaps an obvious but pithy answer: I did not choose to hate Hinduism, Hinduism never loved me!YY and AR looked aghast and betrayed at the idea of rejecting Indian languages, for Dalits, after all, were communicatively, politically and experientially rooted in these languages, beginning with Marathi, most of the(autobiographical) dalit literature was written in indian languages. They went on, the NRI example of turning away from one’s language is not a healthy one: look how they have all become Hindutva supporters, etc. etc. CP of course rubbished this secular middle class sentimentalism by citing Ambedkar’s example, that he always wrote in English and he did so knowing very well that it is not the Dalits who would read him!
I loved this debate because I generally like it when I am rendered speechless by good political arguments or situations, when my intellectual resources simply run dry! But this particular debate tickled me more since it was a revisit, a moment of deja vu for me. I was caught in a similar situation with CP on the same issue of language and politics when Nivedita Menon called us together to a refresher course lecture at DU, braving academic and other objections. I had been to CP’s party earlier that year and was aware of his new found love for Macaulay. He had in fact circulated some pages from his (in)famous Minutes and my task, I thought, was cut out: I reread Macaulay, and disgusted as I was with his Orientalist take on Indian language literatures, I thought I would I argue my case against CP or, at the very least, maintain a critical distance from his position. As it happened, he was the first speaker and he spoke intermittently, amidst widespread and loud murmurs of discontent from the audience. I knew this audience very well - they were mostly upper caste north Bihar, most of them having passed through DU Political Science exams in English medium. So in the Q n A session, they launched into a virulent defence of the national languages, which basically meant Hindi in this context. So when my turn came, I had to do a mental turn around and defend CP all the way against the marauding hypocrisy of the DU lecturers!
http://www.kafila.org/2006/11/09/the-dalit-betrayal-of-hindi-hindu-hindustan/
HINDUSTANI AS AN ANXIETY BETWEEN HINDI-URDU COMMITMENT
Linguistic Engineering of Language Loyalty
S. Imtiaz Hasnain, Ph.D.
K. S. Rajyashree, Ph.D.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. A PRELUDE TO THE ANXIETY
There is certain uniqueness about Hindi and Urdu - something that can be likened to Serbo-Croatian situation - which is altogether missing in case of other Indian languages. Historically too both these languages have occupied a special position both in relation to each other and, at least in the minds of some, in relation to all other languages of India as a possible national language. The uniqueness about Hindi - Urdu is further reinforced if one looks at the number of studies, as part of a larger historical project, looking into the political and social circumstances which helped people divide or bracket the two languages and associate them with certain social roles and group identities - Hindi as Hindu, Urdu as Muslim - and even contest or ratify these associations. Crystallization of identity as well as whether speakers' claims regarding the name of the language they speak emanate from this anxiety between Hindi - Urdu commitment are predicated upon the events which are political rather than linguistic.
http://www.languageinindia.com/march2003/hindustani.html
The Post-1947 Brahmanist Order and its Ideological Foundation
by Dr. G. Singh
http://www.geocities.com/pak_history/brahman.html
Hindu nationalism and the founding ideology of the post-1947 Poorbia Brahmanist Order are derived from
historical fraud spun by late 19th-20th century Brahmanist idealogues and organizations (e.g. Vivekananda,
Dayananda, Gowalker; Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, Hindu-Maha-Saba, RSS, VHP, etc.) from the eastern
subcontinent. A new supremacist identity and history (neo-Brahmanism) was invented for the Brahmanist
community (the ?twice born? Brahmin/Bania orthodox castes - 7% of "Hindus") by making wild, hegemonic
and fraudulent claims over the history, religions and civilizations of historically separate southasian regions,
nations and peoples. Under neo-Brahmanist ideology, all of southasia under British imperial rule was
fantasized as their 10,000 year old ?One Hindu Nation" (Hindusthan) in which the 7% Brahmanists, the
self-styled "superior Aryans", should be the "rightful ruling class".
With the westward expansion of the British Raj, historical propaganda and claims designed to float the
Brahmanists' One Hindu Nation ambitions (really a Poorbia Brahmanist fantasy of empire - "Hindu, Hindi,
Hindustan") were exported to newly annexed regions by Brahmanist ideologues, politicians, socio-political
organizations and schools during the late 19th and early 20th century (e.g. Arya Samaj founded in 1877, RSS
formed in 1925). The pre/post independence national politics of Brahmanist dominated political
organizations, regardless of party or political affiliation, is rooted in the historical consciousness and
hegemonic "One Hindu Nation" ideology and doctrines spawned by Neo-Brahmanism.
The post-1947 India Union is in reality a "Casteocracy" run by the supremacist Orthodox Brahmanical Castes
(OCs: Brahmins, Banias; 7% of "Hindus") or Brahmanists who came to hijack the largest chunk of the former
British Indian Empire in 1947. It has been cleverly run under the ruse of "world's biggest democracy" for the
past 50 years. The supremacist and hegemonic minded Brahmanist cliques completely control the circles of
power and policy of the Indian state. Post 1947, almost all (95%) of the top decision-making and managerial
positions in the country's administration, bureaucracy, state-run media, press, huge state-run economic
sector, universities, army, police, etc. were stacked by Brahmanists who form 7% of Hindus. Intriguingly,
Brahmanists did not have ruling class status or political dominance in any significant country/region of
southasia before the British began creating their empire ("India") during the 19th century.
According to statistics published by reputed Indian journalist and historian Kushwant Singh, the Brahmins
alone (3.5% of "Hindus") control over 70% of the top decision-making and managerial posts of the Indian
State. In 1935, the 3.5% Brahmins held around 4% of the officer positions among Indians in the government.
By 1985, one finds that out of 3,300 Indian Administrative Officers (IAS), 2,376 are Brahmins; from the rank ofdeputy secretaries upwards, out of 500, 310 are Brahmins; of the 26 state chief secretaries, 19 are Brahmins;
of the 16 Supreme Court judges, 9 are Brahmins; of 438 district magistrates, 250 are Brahmins; and so on in
other circles of power and policy in the Indian state. Their state power jumps from 70% to over 90% upon
including the remaining "twice born" Brahmanists.
The facts show that the 7% Brahmanists monopolize the top positions of the Indian state and determine its
policies and actions (e.g. Swadeshi Permit Raj Economics, nuclear testing, police/army rule and oppression
in all majority non-Hindu states, systemic human right abuses of majority "lower castes" and minorities).
Under "Permit Raj" and "Swadeshi" economic policies, only the Brahmanist cliques have been allowed to
invest and enter the new modern and profitable industrial and manufacturing sectors while the rest of Indians
(93%) are tied to the plough, dwindling lands and the unskilled labor market. The country was converted into a
huge "Brahmanist milking cow" through Brahmanist monopoly over the corrupted, rent-seeking and
criminalized beaurocracy, political system and state-run industries while the wealth generated in the private
economy is cornered throug
alashchandrabiswas@hotmail.com]