Agenda Stop Dalit Mobilisation!
Palash Biswas
Contact: Palash C Biswas, C/O Mrs Arati Roy, Gosto Kanan, Sodepur, Kolkata- 700110, India. Phone: 91-033-25659551
Email: palashchandrabiswas@gmail.com
Pl Read :
http://www.ambedkar.org/Babasaheb/postambedkar.htm
Nimitz to leave Indian waters on Thursday and the Capitalist Marxists of India is set to implement its agenda to stop Dalit Mobilisation in India.They were successful to kill the Dalit movement with Partition of India. Pdt. Jawahar lal Nehru, Dr Bidhan Chandra Roy and the Brhmin politicians and officials succeeded to annihilate the base of the Pre Independence National dalit ionist Hindu US Imperialism. NO SEZ movement showcased the Dalit Muslim Tribal Unity unprecedented in Independent India heralding latest phase of National dalit Movement.
Thus, the Leftists have come ahead! As they serve the US interests protesting US Imperialism, in the same manner they plan to kill the much wanted mobilisation advocating quota, reservation and Sacchar Committee recommendation. The Marxists of India are well expert in the language of betrayal. they did not escalate trhe protest of Nimitz nationwide. Now they sopeak spordiacly all about Dalits. But, in fact. Left ruled states deprive the Dalits, Muslims and Tribals the most!Although the dalits have wrested significant gains in various domains of social life during the last five decades, the relative gulf between them and non-dalits seems to have remained the same if not actually increased. On the other hand the emerging world order signified by the process of globalisation is bound to change the grammar of oppressed peoples’ struggles all over the world. The dalits too, therefore will have to wage now and in future a revolutionary struggle at one and the same time on two fronts marked by the caste and the class. In line with this need, the author is offering to us a critical review of Ambedkar’s heritage quite similar to Buddha’s bold and creative review offered by Ambedkar himself in his own hands.
The nuclear-powered aircraft carrier USS Nimitz, which anchored in waters off this city on July 2, will depart tomorrow.The USS Pinckney, which also anchored off Chennai port, will leave along with the Nimitz at 10 am tomorrow, said sources in the US consulate here.The ships are headed back to the Gulf.The arrival of Nimitz in Indian waters sparked protests by the Left and other political parties and environmentalists, who claimed the warship posed a radiation hazard.The Left called the Central government "spineless" for allowing the warship "stained with the blood of thousands of innocent people" to anchor in Indian waters.The Left also staged a protest outside Chennai port on July 2 during which demonstrators burnt a model of the ship with the American flag on it.
Yesterday, hundreds of Muslims, including women in burqas, protested outside the port and demanded that the ship should leave Indian waters immediately.
Members of Nimitz's crew visited the city and spent time doing community work at various places.
Meanwhile,The West Bengal Estates Acquisition
(Amendment) Bill, 2007, which aimed at detecting land held
clandestinely by big landowners, was passed in the state
assembly today.
Land Reforms Minister Abdur Rezzak Molla informed the
House that the amendment was necessary as power of officers,
specially empowered by the state government to correct the
record-of-rights suo motu under sub section 2 (a) of West
Bengal Estates Acquisition Act, 1953, was due to expire on
November three this year. According to Molla, the state government had been noting
that the section had become an important instrument for
counteracting evasion of ceiling by unscrupulous owners.
Besides, it was necessary to give effect to the orders of
different courts for starting the proceedings afresh after
removal of old entries. He said that it had been felt necessary to amend
sub-section (2a) of section 44 of the act, by way of extending
the power to revise any entry in the record-of-rights suo motu
by the specially empowered officers for a further period of 10
years.
Meanwhile, After asserting for decades that only class matters, Indian communists are finally organising the poorest of the poor, the Dalits in particular, along caste lines.Leaders of the Communist Party of India (CPI) and Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) say there is growing realisation that caste cannot be ignored in the political arena.
However, by the end of 1947, P.C. Joshi found his line challenged by the radical faction of the CPI. This claimed that the freedom that India had obtained was false — “Ye Azaadi Jhoota Hai”, the slogan went — and asked that the party declare an all-out war against the government of India. The radicals were led by B.T. Ranadive, who saw in the imminent victory of the Chinese communists a model for himself and his comrades. A peasant struggle was already on in Hyderabad, against the feudal regime of the Nizam — why not use that as a springboard for the Indian revolution?
On February 28, 1948 — four weeks after Gandhi’s murder — the CPI leadership met in Calcutta, and confirmed that the revolutionary line would prevail. Joshi was replaced as general secretary by Ranadive, who declared that the Indian government was a lackey of imperialism, and would be overthrown by armed struggle. Party members were ordered to foment strikes and protests to further the cause of the revolution-in-the-making. Bulletins and posters were issued urging the people to rise up and “set fire to the whole of Bengal”, to “destroy the Congress Government”, and move “forward to unprecedented mass struggles. Forward to storm the Congress Bastilles”.
The government, naturally, came down hard. Some fifty thousand party members and sympathizers were arrested. These arrests forestalled Ranadive’s plans to crystallize strikes in the major industrial cities of Bombay and Calcutta. It took some more time to restore order in Hyderabad, where a recalcitrant Nizam was refusing to join the Indian Union, egged on by militant Islamists (known as ‘Razakars’), who were making common cause with their local communists. But in September 1948, the Indian army moved into Hyderabad; slowly, over a period of two years, the areas where the communists had been active were brought back under the control of the state.
In recounting these events, Indian intellectuals in general, and Indian historians in particular, are notoriously one-sided. When speaking of the RSS threat, they mince no words — as indeed they should not. But when speaking of the failed communist insurrection, they choose to focus instead on the “massive state repression”. But what was the Indian state supposed to do when faced with this armed challenge to its authority? Sit back and allow Ranadive and his men to move into power in New Delhi? The state reacted the only way it could. And its actions were legitimate; behind them was the support of the broad masses of the people. As it happened, the legitimacy of the state was tested and confirmed in the general elections of 1952, won resoundingly by Nehru’s Congress, and in which the now-reconciled Communist Party of India was also a contestant.
'Caste is a social reality whether we agree or not. It is important that the Dalit question is addressed earnestly (by communists),' said CPI's deputy leader D. Raja, a Rajya Sabha MP and the country's most senior Left leader of Dalit origin.
'It is imperative that the communists should strengthen class struggle in a comprehensive way,' Raja told IANS.
A senior CPI-M leader who did want to be identified by name admitted that his party was increasingly networking with Dalits as a community, which forms 16 percent of India's population and which is overwhelmingly poor and destitute.
'Earlier we had a doctrinaire position on this, like some algebra problem,' the leader said. 'Caste is a reality. It is part of our social structure. You have to deal with it.
'Dalits themselves see the value of Dalit mobilisation. They see themselves as Dalits first. That is why the appeal of Dalit groups has increased. The Left has to take this into account.'
The analysis opens up with an examination of post-Ambedkar dalit movement. In the process it covers the spectrum of dalit politics beginning with Dadasaheb Gaikwad and ending with the Kanshiram phenomenon of our days encompassing in between all the RPI splits and schisms together with the rise and fall of the Dalit Panthers. It demonstrates how the petty-bourgeoisie outlook, the middle class cultural norms governing the leadership life-styles, the over-reliance on the electoral politics, the tailist pursuit of power devoid of real mass contact and the absence of any class agenda compelled the parochial leadership of all sorts to set up one-dimensional icons characterising Ambedkar as the maker of the Indian Constitution, provider of the present order, a Bodhisatva, a constitutionalist, a messiah, a saviour, an SC leader, a liberal democrat, a staunch anticommunist, a reformist allergic to revolutions of whatever kind and thus, in a nutshell as the bourgeoisie liberal democrat par excellence. Barring Dadasaheb Gaikwad and the movement of the Dalit Panthers for a while post-Ambedkar leadership failed to pay any attention to the material aspects of life and mystified the problems of dalits. To take one example, while political power was a means for Ambedkar, it appears to be the end for Kanshiram. The analysis also does not fail to note the cultural failure of dalits to transcend the boundaries of sanskritisation and therefore, the gross neglect of the issues of gender justice and inequality by the dalit elite.
In recent times, the CPI-M and other Left groups have organised seminars and meetings on the Dalit question and also held huge demonstrations that have drawn large numbers of Dalits, once derisively known as 'untouchables'. For a long time since its formation in 1925, the CPI - one of the oldest communist parties in the world - refused to pay heed to the caste divides saying that caste identity would get suppressed by class struggle.The Dalits occupy the bottom heap in caste-ridden Indian society. Upper castes have traditionally tormented and tortured them, producing a cruel system that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has compared with apartheid.Economically too, the Dalits are the worst off, often doing menial jobs no one else wants. Over the decades, they did join the Left groups in large numbers. But the Left saw them as peasants, as workers, as poor - not as Dalits.Although discrimination against Dalits has waned in urban areas, it is a reality in rural areas across the country.
The steady growth of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and caste-based parties such as Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in northern India robbed the Left of a lot of their support base. Naturally, the CPI and CPI-M began looking at caste with a fresh perspective.
The CPI-M leader, who is a member of the party's Central Committee, however, accused the CPI and the radical Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist (CPI-ML) of having become 'casteist' in places like Bihar.
'Caste has to be understood in the context of the cross-cutting reality,' the leader said. 'There are now conscious efforts to enter Dalit politics. But CPI and CPI-ML are espousing caste identity at the cost of class differences. In a way they have reversed the old dogma.'
Raja pointed out that the caste divide was unique to Indian society and that much of what Dalit icon B.R. Ambedkar preached was close to communist ideas on issues such as state control of industry and banks.
One more significant trend in the dalit movement has its source in the policy of reservations in services of the State. Apart from the central and State governments, the large number of public sector undertakings that were floated by them, and other institutions established and promoted with public money, also came to be the State, attracting the constitutional provisions regarding reservations for the SCs and STs in services. The dalits in these sectors represented the collective investment and achievements of the dalit community, as reservations were the only hope for them to secure material well being. Although, they found themselves catapulted to modern sectors of economy, they found there were newer traps already in place, which clearly communicated the caste code for the modern organisations. The dalits had to conform their behaviour to this code for their survival. It reflected all the familiar prejudices against them. Their experience of the blatant violations of these provisions generally manifested in terms of backlogs in filling reservation posts, denial of promotions and general discriminatory treatment meted out in postings, transfers and other aspects of organisational life. The trade unions and management associations would not address their woes because they involved a contradiction between the interests of dalits and non-dalits. Thus were born the SC/ST associations. Even after their countrywide proliferation, these associations do not have any locus standi with managements except for the ritualistic interviews during the annual visits of parliamentary committees on the welfare of SCs and STs.
K. Elangovan, a former student leader at the Jawaharlal Nehru University here and who served in the CPI for years, feels the communists are unlikely to make much headway despite their newfound understanding of the Indian social system.
'There was a time when communist parties dubbed caste consciousness as false consciousness,' Elangovan told IANS from Chennai, where he is now a lawyer. 'The cadres never had an answer to caste question. It happened to me personally.'
The CPI-M leader admitted there were dangers in caste empowerment.
'There will be no immediate benefits for us in the short run,' he said. And we have to figure out this question as we go along. For now, we are only organising the Dalits, no other caste.'
Red star over India: Danger of manuvadi marxists further enslaving starving Dalits
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/may_a2006/editorial.htm
COMRADE AYYANKALI, ADDRESS WITHHELD
There is a spectre in the air. The spectre of savarna Brahminical manuvadi maoism. From the heights of Himalayas in Nepal to the beaches of Kanyakumari, the manuvadi maoists are busy peddling a spurious drug called “marxism-leninism-maoism” even as their Hindu nazi terrorist jatwalas are getting nightmares and start trembling — unnecessarily — and the oppressed Dalits get caught in the crossfire.
It was not so long ago when the former Brahmin naxalite Kanu Sanyal plagiarised Mao’s “Human Report” as “Terai report” and fooled an entire generation. Today, the same gentleman blames the late Charu Majumdar for everything and dubs all armed struggle as terrorist. It was only yesterday when another upper caste Reddy maoist, called Kondapalli Seetharamaiah, set up the People’s War Group, only to later decry the importance of armed struggle by acting in an unreleased Telugu movie which is still lying in the cans.
Indeed, revisionism and betrayal, thy name is verily manuvadi marxism.
The betrayals of the Telangana armed struggle by savarna marxist leaders like Rajeshwara Rao, Sundarayya and Basavapunniah are all well known. So is the Marathi Brahmin, S.A. Dange’s offer to the British to be a police spy within the CPI. Why blame Chitpavan Brahmin nazi Savarkar alone? When there are Brahmin communists like Dange, E.M.S. Namboodiripad, where is the need for fascists?
DANGE’S BULLSHIT BOOK
Not many may remember how the corrupt manuvadi marxist Dange left only around Rs. 70 crore (when he died) for his daughter, Roza Deshpande, who was named after Rosa Luxembourg, the German Jewish “communist revolutionary”. Not many may remember the great founder-chairman of India’s Communist Party, Dange, wrote a bullshit book saying that the entire wisdom of Karl Marx is derived from the vaidik Vedanta. For writing this nonsense, he was expelled from the party itself. Such is the treachery of these manuvadi marxists.
Not many may know that Dange’s daughter, Roza Deshpande, is now close to the Hindu prime terrorist party, RSS.
For India’s Brahminical people there is no permanent party. They have only permanent interests. At that time marxism served their interests and today the RSS is serving them better.
Why should we blame Hindu nazis alone? In any case Hindu nazis are our honest enemies who openly reveal their agenda. Editor V.T. Rajshekar rightly calls them “Sacred Brahmins”. Is it any surprise that as Hindu nazis mature politically, they will start mouthing “secular” dialogues to fool the people? The antics of yet another Brahmin marxist called E.M.S. Namboodiripad, the “Modern Shankara” of Kerala, has already been amply exposed and documented several times in Dalit Voice. (V.T. Rajshekar, How Marx Failed in Hindu India? DSA-1988).
NEPAL DEVELOPMENT
After such a dubious record, vaidik maoists like Pusphakamal Dahal alias Prachanda, Ramakrishna of the CPI (Maoist), Vara Vara Rao of PWG etc. have once again donned revolutionary make-up and greasepaint to mouth maoist slogans to befool yet another generation.
It looks the Nepali Brahmin, Prachanda, may prove successful in capturing political power in Nepal. He seems to be grooming his daughter and son to take over the leadership of the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) by ensuring that they receive the luxury of some bad bourgeoise education which is denied to other cadres. Those who questioned his behaviour have already been kicked out of the party in the finest tradition of manuvadi marxist “democratic” centralism. Surely Prachanda may not be aware of the dynastic succession in North Korea — where power passed from Kim-II Sung to his son Kim Jong-II.
Whether it is Telugu Brahmin Vara Vara Rao trying to persecuteDalits like Kalyan Rao and Gaddar or the Nepali Brahmin, Prachanda, the great Brahminical manuvadi maoist mega-mockery continues unabated without any break.
HATE ENGLISH MANIA
The script is the same. Desperately, our oppressed Dalit and Adivasi cadre —brainwashed with a crude rustic mixture of vernacular mother tongue mania and manuvadi “marxism-leninism-maoism” —continue to kill other Dalits if they don’t support so-called Peoples’ War, under the direction of English-Devabhaasha-educated savarna socialists and Brahminical manuvadi maoist superheroes of the all-knowing all-mighty savarna central committee and savarna politbureau.
According to such savarna manuvadi maoists India may be a subcontinent of several nationalities. But if any sensible Dalit ever dares to suggest that the English Devabhaasha should be taught and promoted among the cadres, since the Indian subcontinent is made up of several nationalities, the entire Brahminical central committee is likely to throw him or her out of the party for trying to promote a colonial-imperialist-neo-imperialist language. Note how Hindu nazi terrorists also call the English language as colonial and macaulayist?
TALK SWADESHI DRINK VIDESHI
Of course all savarna manuvadi politbureau big shots send their kids only to savarna Christian-run convents to master that very hated colonial-imperialist-neo-imperialist Devabhasha called the English language. It hardly matters if the savarna manuvadi politbureau big shots think, speak and draft all party documents and publish them first, precisely in that hated “colonial-imperialist-neo-colonial” Devabhasha called English.
In hating English, both Hindu nazi terrorists and manuvadi marxists have a secret understanding. But they all talk swadeshi but drink only videshi.
Those innocent Dalits who read a report that Hindu terrorist leader Togadia sends his kids to an English medium Christian convent in a toilet paper called the Indian Express may like to know that savarna maoists also educate their kids in such schools. Such is the unity in diversity.
The determination of our unthinking, brainwashed Dalit-Bahujan-adivasis to remain brainwashed forever in their mother tongue mania seem to be poised for further growth.
Nothing has changed. Nothing will ever change in this “wonder that is India”. Brainwashed Dalit and Adivasi maoists continue to fall to police bullets in Chattisgarh and Jharkhand when they are not killing fellow Dalits who have been terrorised by the savarna police and Hindu nazis to join Salva Judum — some class struggle and peoples war indeed.
CASTE IDENTITY
Such savarna Brahminical manuvadi maoists will never, ever acknowledge that caste is not merely superstructure. They will do everything possible to deny that caste has an ethnic Negroid-Dravidian component. They will never learn from history that even seven decades of East European-style state capitalism failed to destroy any ethnic identity. They will continue to mechanically parrot the line that class means the economic class and nothing else. Such Brahminical manuvadi maoist fellows will never agree that the Dalit-Bahujan-Adivasi population is exploited only on the basis of caste and not the classical economic class.
Savarna socialist Lohia in one of his honest moments had agreed that in India, “caste is class”. Brahmin revisionist Chaturanan Mishra had also said that “if communists had understood class, they would have ruled India”.
Police intelligence reports and journalistic accounts have documented that our manuvadi maoists deliberately and consciously engineered caste-clashes to further their “peoples war”. But these very manuvadi maoists will never openly acknowledge that “caste is indeed class”. They will never agree that a “poor” Brahmin is more likely to cherish his “caste identity” so as to shore up his self-esteem in the face of poverty and to marry off his daughter to a Brahmin, rather than uniting with Dalits and develop “class consciousness”.
In India, the fact is that there is only caste consciousness — which will always be deliberately obscured and hidden by our modern manuvadi marxists. They will never, ever agree that caste and ethnic identity is the base and not merely “superstructure” which is the result of prevailing economic realities. Manuvadi maoists care two hoots even if educated and economically better off Dalits also are discriminated against.
NO BRAHMIN CAN BE REVOLUTIONARY
According to such manuvadi maoists, Dalit-Bahujans who comprise the vast majority of India’s population is not an internal semi-colony which is exploited by the rich and middle class savarnas. Dalits, Backward Castes and Adivasis are not oppressed nationalities, according to Brahminical manuvadi maoists.
These maoist paries will never launch an all-India caste war, will never cut off the “sacred thread” of Brahmins, will never economically boycott savarna business which discriminate against Dalits, will never demolish savarna temples or reject and ridicule Brahminical Hinduism like Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy or Dr. Ambedkar did. Such manuvadi maoist parties will never try to divide the Indian Army on the caste lines or launch upper caste annihilation.
Brahmins and savarnas can never be revolutionary. How can they be revolutionary when they will be the ones who stand to lose their social and economic privileges? That is why manuvadi EMS and Dange betrayed revolutionary marxism. That is precisely why the Brahmin Prachanda is ensuring that his kids get bourgeoisie education while cadres’ kids fight and get killed in Peoples’ War.
Today, China is supporting King Gyanendra. So also India’s Hindu nazis. Both are not supporting the savarna maoists of Nepal.
PRACHANDA’S STRATEGY
Govt forms 16 member Dalit commission
In Nepal,The government has formed a new 16 member National Dalit Commission for the period of two years. Earlier, the government had appointed Bhagwat Biswasi as the chairman of the commission.
The new members of the Dalit commission which is there to work for the rights and welfare of the Dalit people include Santoshi BK from Rolpa, Durgi Pawan from Dhanusa, Khadga Bahadur Basyal from Surkhet, Bangali Hajara Paswan from Bara, Karna Bahadur Chunar from Rupandehi, Hom Khati from Dolakha, Sharada Swarnakar from Dang, Bikram Ram from Bara. The remaining are member secretaries. nepalnews.com July 04 07
‘Protect witnesses in cases of atrocities against Dalits’
Bangalore: The acquittal of all the accused in the Kambalapalli massacre in which seven Dalits were burnt to death is not an exception. The Karnataka State Commission for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes has found that the accused in 98 per cent of cases of atrocities against Dalits were allowed to go scot-free. The reason: witnesses do not turn up for fear of being attacked.
This was disclosed by commission Chairman Nehru C. Olekar at a press conference here on Tuesday after a meeting with representatives of various Dalit organisations. The commission sought their views on the condition of the people from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the jurisdiction of the Bangalore Zilla Panchayat.
Mr. Olekar said the commission would recommend to the Government to provide security to witnesses. However, around 10 per cent of complaints of atrocities were found to be false. There were around 500 cases of atrocities pending in each district.
Strangely, the commission had hardly come across cases of Dalits being ostracised. Three such cases had been reported in the State, including two in Kolar district.
He said 446 atrocity cases were reported in five years in Bangalore Rural district. The taluk-wise break up is: Channapatna - 32, Devanahalli - 44, Doddballapur - 22, Hoskote - 133, Kanakapura - 88, Magadi - 47, Nelamangala - 143 and Ramanagaram - 43.
Confirmation
Mr. Olekar said the commission had taken up the case of confirmation of the services of municipal cleaners (pourakarmikas) in the State with the Legislature Committee on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The working conditions of the municipal cleaners in the Bruhat Bangalore Mahanagara Palike (around 8,000) were so bad that they were paid just Rs. 1,200 a month, whereas their counterparts in the Gulbarga City Corporation were paid Rs. 4,900. He said the Government would be asked to stop hiring cleaners through contractors. Instead the workers should be paid directly by the civic body.
Regularisation
Another serious problem Dalits were facing in the State was the inordinate delay in the regularisation of unauthorised cultivation by them on government land. Each district had 2,000 to 3,000 such cases that had pending for years.
He said the Government would be asked to regularise such cultivation, barring those on forest land.
Mr. Olekar expressed displeasure over the absence of the Deputy Commissioner of Bangalore Rural district from the meeting. He would write to the Government to take action against the official, he said.
Some Dalit organisations had complained that beneficiaries were not getting subsidies, the Chairman said. The Government would be asked to build one hostel in each of the eight taluks in the district to accommodate post-matric students. The Government would also be asked to remove youths staying in hostels for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, who were not students.
The commission would ask the Government to conduct a Statewide survey on the academic performance of students staying in such hostels. This was to refute the criticism that they were enjoying government largesse without improving their academic performance.
Internal quota
Mr. Olekar supported the demand of organisations representing people from the Madiga, Bhovi and Korama communities for internal reservation to prevent a few influential sections among the Dalits from cornering all the benefits.
The Commission had so far visited 12 districts and would be visiting the other districts. It would give its report to the Government before August 20, he said.
Trinamool Congress, Congress stage walk-out
Congress walked out after the Speaker refused to allow a discussion on the BPL list; Trinamool followed suit after its plea for a discussion on an alleged starvation death was turned down
Express News Service
Kolkata, July 03: The members of both the Congress and the Trinamool Congress today staged a walk-out in the Assembly, albeit on different issues.
While the Congress walked out after Speaker Hashim Abdul Halim refused to allow a discussion on the BPL list, the Trinamool Congress boycotted today’s session after the Speaker refused to grant permission for a discussion on an alleged starvation death at Singur. The Trinamool also wanted a statement from chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee on the alleged murder of Tapasi Malik at Singur. Their plea was down by the Speaker.
Bride Groom
18 - 24 25 - 30 31 - 35 36 - 45 46 - 50 50+
India USA United Kingdom UAE Canada Australia Pakistan Saudi Arabia Kuwait South Africa
Congress MLA Ajay Dey proposed an adjournment motion and demanded a discussion o n the status of the BPL list prepared by the administration. He alleged that the list which is ready after years is full of errors.
The list excludes the names of many deserving candidates and should therefore be scrapped and a fresh one prepared, Dey demanded.
While the Congress legislator was allowed to read out his motion, Halim didn’t entertain the demand for discussion. Consequently, the Congress walked out.
Later, talking to the press, Congress Legislature Party leader Manas Bhuniya said that the BPL list does not contain the names of the poorest of labourers. “This may deprive many deserving candidates from availing support for health, ration and education. We wanted a discussion on the BPL list and demanded that the existing one be scrapped. We have talked to the ministers concerned in this regard,” Bhuniya said.
The Congress also warned that the absence of the names of many poor workers will keep a large number of people out of the purview of government schemes such as the Indira Awas Yojana.
“The list has not been put up in most panchayats. As a result, most people do not know if their names figure in it or have been omitted,” said a Congress leader.
Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress members also walked out when the Speaker turned down a discussion on the alleged starvation death of an agricultural labourer in Singur. The Speaker also turned down their request for a statement from the chief minister on the alleged murder of Tapasi Malik.
Trinamool MLA Ashish Banerjee alleged that Shankar Das, a resident of Dobandhi village in Beraberi (in Singur) died on July 2 due to starvation. Banerjee said that Das, a tribal, became jobless when the land where he worked was acquired.
Though the Speaker allowed the motion to be read out, he turned down a request for a discussion on it.
Later talking to the press, leader of the Opposition in the Assembly, Partha Chatterjee, said that his party had wanted discussion on the Malik case. Chatterjee alleged that the CBI was being pressurised in various ways and this may influence the ongoing investigation.
He alleged that the starvation death is a consequence of land acquisition at Singur and a discussion should have been allowed on it. “The heavy rains notwithstanding, we were here to take up issues that matter to the people. The Speaker, however, refused to listen to our request,” Chatterjee said.
http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=244154
The adoption of a draconian law by the Chattisgarh state government to address the Naxalite armed movement and its appointment of a known human rights abuser as security advisor are likely to lead to serious abuses, Human Rights Watch said today. The group said the government should repeal the new Special Public Protection Act, or amend it to conform to international human rights law, and remove the special advisor, K.P.S. Gill, who led the Punjab police at a time of widespread rights violations.
"Chattisgarh has a duty to keep its citizens safe, but it should not resort to draconian laws or abusive officials," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The state and central governments must use lawful methods to counter Naxalite violence."
The Chattisgarh state government’s actions come even as the human rights and humanitarian situation is deteriorating in the 13 Indian states affected by increasing Naxalite attacks. Fifty villagers were abducted by Naxalites in Chattisgarh on April 25.
The Indian government is planning to deploy 11 battalions of the paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in states affected by Naxalite action, increasing fear
